Political psychology

2013 ◽  
Vol 154 (16) ◽  
pp. 619-626
Author(s):  
Mária Resch ◽  
Tamás Bella
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Psychology ◽  
Group Dynamics ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Cognitive Mapping ◽  
Medical Sciences ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Behavioural Patterns ◽  
Essential Components ◽  
History Of

In Hungary one can mostly find references to the psychological processes of politics in the writings of publicists, public opinion pollsters, philosophers, social psychologists, and political analysts. It would be still important if not only legal scientists focusing on political institutions or sociologist-politologists concentrating on social structures could analyse the psychological aspects of political processes; but one could also do so through the application of the methods of political psychology. The authors review the history of political psychology, its position vis-à-vis other fields of science and the essential interfaces through which this field of science, which is still to be discovered in Hungary, connects to other social sciences. As far as its methodology comprising psycho-biographical analyses, questionnaire-based queries, cognitive mapping of interviews and statements are concerned, it is identical with the psychiatric tools of medical sciences. In the next part of this paper, the focus is shifted to the essence and contents of political psychology. Group dynamics properties, voters’ attitudes, leaders’ personalities and the behavioural patterns demonstrated by them in different political situations, authoritativeness, games, and charisma are all essential components of political psychology, which mostly analyses psychological-psychiatric processes and also involves medical sciences by relying on cognitive and behavioural sciences. This paper describes political psychology, which is basically part of social sciences, still, being an interdisciplinary science, has several ties to medical sciences through psychological and psychiatric aspects. Orv. Hetil., 2013, 154, 619–626.

Sociology of medicine:freedom to be yourself – both a doctor and a sociologist (Based on an interview with Andrey V. Reshetnikov,an Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences)

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-101
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Reshetnikov ◽  
Nadezhda V. Prisyazhnaya
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Professional Community ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Scientific School ◽  
Medical Sciences ◽  
Sociology Of Medicine ◽  
Russian Academy Of Sciences ◽  
History Of ◽  
Academy Of Sciences

The article is the quintessence of a detailed conversation, that is, an interview by the author with an academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Doctor of Medical Sciences, Doctor of Sociological Sciences, the founder of modern sociology of medicine in Russia, and the Director of the Institute of Social Sciences of Sechenov University Andrey V. Reshetnikov. The interview was officially conducted on the occasion of the academician A.V. Reshetnikovs birthday. However, other reasons for conducting this interview were as follows: the increased interest of the professional community in the history of the formation of the sociology of medicine a young but already established branch of big sociology the need for researchers to discuss the theory as a tool for learning the fundamental principles of the development of modern society; and the need to determine strategic guidelines and coordinate the vectors of scientific research in line with the discipline. At the same time, the tireless, painstaking work of Andrey Veniaminovich on the development of the scientific school of the sociology of medicine, the formation of a team of like-minded people, and the strengthening of Russian and international relations between medical sociologists are inspiring examples of the realization of a professional vocation.

scholarly journals Scientific school of Professor V.D. Dzidzoev

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
П.А. Кузьминов ◽  
Л.А. Чибиров
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Scientific School ◽  
South Ossetia ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Complex Process ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Law ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

В статье проанализирован сложный процесс становления научной шко- лы профессора В.Д. Дзидзоева, в рамках которой работают десятки молодых специ- алистов из разных регионов РФ. Дзидзоев опубликовал более 460 научных и научно- популярных трудов (около 50 из них в соавторстве), в том числе 32 монографии и брошюры. Под руководством Дзидзоева защищены 40 кандидатских и 7 докторских диссертаций. Его последователи защищали кандидатские и докторские диссерта- ции по трем специальностям: 1. Отечественная история – 07.00.02; 2. Политология – 23.00.02 («Политические институты, этнополитическая конфликтология, нацио- нальные и политические процессы и технологии»); 3. Теория и история права и го- сударства. В.Д. Дзидзоев удостоен почетных званий «Заслуженный деятель науки»: Республики Северная Осетия-Алания (2000 г.), Республики Южная Осетия (2001 г.), Кабардино-Балкарской Республики (2012 г.), Республики Дагестан (2017 г.). Является ВАКовским профессором по трем специальностям: отечественная история (1995 г.), политология (2001 г.), теория государства и права (2017 г.). The article analyzes the complex process of the formation of the scientifi c school of Professor V. D. Dzidzoev, which employs dozens of young specialists from different regions of the Russian Federation. Dzidzoev has published more than 460 scientifi c and popular scientifi c works (about 50 of them in co-authorship), including 32 monographs and pamphlets. Under the leadership of Dzidzoev, 40 candidate’s and 7 doctoral theses were defended in three specialties: 1. Russian history – 07.00.02; 2. Political Science – 23.00.02 («Political institutions, ethnopolitical confl ictology, national and political processes and technologies»); 3. Theory and history of law and state. Professor V.D. Dzidzoev was awarded the honorary titles of «Honored Scientist» of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania (2000), the Republic of South Ossetia (2001), the Republic of Kabardino-Balkaria (2012), the Republic of Dagestan (2017). He is a professor of the Higher Attestation Commission in three specialties: national history (1995), political science (2001), theory of state and law (2017).

scholarly journals Women in education and science

Sociologija ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 327-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marija Bogdanovic
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Female Students ◽  
Medical Sciences ◽  
Research Institutes ◽  
Scientific Institutions ◽  
History Of ◽  
Males And Females ◽  
High Level ◽  
The University ◽  
Evident Difference

This paper predominantly analyzes the position that women hold in research institutes in Serbia and at the University of Belgrade. The data were collected in May and June, 2006 from the website of the Ministry of science and environment (related to research institutes in Serbia) and directly from 30 faculties of Belgrade University. Among 162 researchers employed in research institutes, women are equally represented with men, not only in the number of employed persons (49% and 51 %, respectively), but also considering the researchers with PhDs (49% vs. 51%), and without PhDs (48% vs. 51%). Also, in both sexes there are the same number of researchers with PhDs (38%: 39%) and without PhDs around 60 % (62%:61%). In spite of a high level of equality between males and females according to the presented data, only 22 females are directors of research institutes, i.e. 0.69% of researchers with PhDs. During the long history of Belgrade University (founded in 1838), only 31.6% out of 34,237 Masters and PhD diplomas were awarded to women (34% of Masters and only 27.7% of PhDs), which indicates the evident difference between males and females. Today, 58% of students are female and women are in a majority at 50% of the faculties of Belgrade University (at some the proportion of female students is even more than 80%). Also, according to data in 2000, more females (60.2%) than males got their diplomas. According to the teaching positions at Belgrade University some 43.3% are held by women, but among professors only 37.4% are female in comparison to 51% among teaching assistants. There are significant differences between the faculties in this respect: the highest proportion of female professors is found in the group of medical sciences (51.3%), the highest proportion of female assistants is found in the group of social sciences (64%). Females are not represented in leading positions at Belgrade University in spite of their qualifications. The University of Belgrade has had only one women elected as a Rector in its long history. During 2000-2004 there were six women Deans while today there are only three (out of 31 faculties). There is more gender equality in research institutes in Serbia than at Belgrade University. Also, women are seriously underrepresented in leading positions at all the analyzed scientific institutions, in spite of their qualifications. Bearing that in mind, it seems it will take another century for women to achieve an equal position to that of their male counterparts.

Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan: Features of the Transit of Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
S. Pritchin
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Class ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
History Of

The transit of power is an important and vulnerable stage in the development of political processes for any state. For States with unstable political institutions and a short history of independence, the change of the head of state is an even more serious challenge to stability. In 2016 and 2019, respectively, the two largest Central Asian republics of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan launched power transit procedures for the first time in the history of their independence. The transit scenarios differed significantly, despite the common similarity in power structure, political culture, and stage of political development. The more closed political system of Uzbekistan at the time of the death of the first President, Islam Karimov, managed to take a consolidated approach to the choice of a successor and unite for the duration of the transit. In Kazakhstan, on the contrary, after leaving the post of President, Nursultan Nazarbayev remained a key actor in domestic political processes, creating together with his successor, the current head of the Republic, Kasym-Zhomart Tokayev, a bipolar political system that began to contribute to the formation of a split of the political class. One of the reasons for the distinct approaches to transit was the different model of initial capital accumulation after the collapse of the USSR, when large-scale privatization of state property in Kazakhstan created a class of large owners who actively promoted a more open and competitive political system to protect and promote their interests. In contrast to Kazakhstan, the main state property of the Uzbek SSR remained under the control of the state and quasi-state institutions, which slowed down the process of forming a class of owners independent from the state. Separately, each of the transits of power in the post-Soviet space became the object of research, but primarily from the point of view of the development of political systems. A methodological basis of the study was a systemic, comparative analysis of transit of power scenarios considering the politico-economic aspects of the privatization of state property and formation of the proprietary class.

Community, Authenticity, and Autonomy: Insurgence and Institutional Development in India's Northeast

1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 345-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jyotirindra Dasgupta
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Development ◽  
Community Formation ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Social Collaboration ◽  
The People ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Development Processes

Reports from india's northeastern states—Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, and Tripura—rarely deal with the positive aspects of their institutional development processes. The national media mainly concentrates on the disquieting stories of unrest, insurgence, and violence. The negative portrait of this region offered by both the press and scholarly studies in India and abroad must be distressing for the people of the Northeastern region.This paper suggests that an excessive preoccupation with violence and a narrow reading of the implications of insurgent violence on the part of the observers are responsible for a substantial misunderstanding of the Northeastern political processes. As a result, the positive aspects of community formation, the linkage of communities in wider political institutions as parts of the Northeastern administration and representative systems, and the contribution of these processes to the national systems remain largely unexplored. The history of insurgence is rarely narrated in the context of an equally long history of peace, social collaboration, political reconciliation, democratic participation, and innovations in institution-building and sustenance. Even the received narrative of violence is deeply flawed due to its frequent inability to attend to the possible rationality of forced desperation, and its insensitivity to the long-term constructive implications of many anti-authority struggles.

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