Political Alienation after Unification and Rise of Regional Parties: German Experience and Implication on Korea

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
Sangtu Ko
Author(s):  
Rafea Shareef Dhanoon

The close relations between Turkey and Libya are still on the rise, and this was evident through Turkish support at all levels of the internationally recognized government of Al-Sarraj winner. The Memorandum of Understanding signed between Turkey and Libya on 27 / November 2019, in the areas of security and military cooperation and the determination of areas of influence revealed The navy, the extent of the historical close relationship between Ankara and Tripoli, just as the Turkish President Erdogan wanted to deliver a message to the West and other regional parties after the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding, that Turkey has a non-negotiable sovereign right to define the maritime spheres of influence and that this right stems from international law. In light of these tracks, we will shed light on the orientations of Turkish policy towards Libya after the February 2011 revolution, by defining the determinants of those trends and examining the most important obstacles in the march of Turkish policy towards Libya.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-353
Author(s):  
Rostislav Turovsky ◽  
Marina Sukhova

Abstract This article examines the differences between Russian voting at federal elections and regional legislature elections, both combined and conducted independently. The authors analyse these differences, their character and their dynamics as an important characteristic of the nationalisation of the party system. They also test hypotheses about a higher level of oppositional voting and competitiveness in subnational elections, in accordance with the theory of second-order elections, as well as the strategic nature of voting at federal elections, by contrast with expressive voting during subnational campaigns. The empirical study is based on calculating the differences in votes for leading Russian parties at subnational elections and at federal elections (simultaneous, preceding and following) from 2003, when mandatory voting on party lists was widespread among the regions, to 2019. The level of competitiveness is measured in a similar way, by calculating the effective number of parties. The study indicates a low level of autonomy of regional party systems, in many ways caused by the fact that the law made it impossible to create regional parties, and then also by the 2005 ban on creation of regional blocs. The strong connection between federal and regional elections in Russia clearly underlines the fluid and asynchronic nature of its electoral dynamics, where subnational elections typically predetermine the results of the following federal campaigns. At the same time, the formal success of the nationalisation of the party system, achieved by increasing the homogeneity of voting at the 2016 and 2018 federal elections, is not reflected by the opposing process of desynchronisation between federal and regional elections after Putin’s third-term election. There is also a clear rise in the scale of the differences between the two. At the same time, the study demonstrates the potential presence in Russia of features common to subnational elections in many countries: their greater support for the opposition and presence of affective voting. However, there is a clear exception to this trend during the period of maximum mobilisation of the loyal electorate at the subnational elections immediately following the accession of Crimea in 2014–2015, and such tendencies are generally restrained by the conditions of electoral authoritarianism.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darryl Dale-Ferguson

AbstractThis paper uses Paul Ricœur’s analyses of ideology to argue for the mitigation of the possibility of political evil within the political paradox. In explicating the paradox, Ricœur seeks to hold in tension two basic aspects of politics: its benefits and its propensity to evil. This tension, however, should not be viewed as representative of a dualism. The evil of politics notwithstanding, Ricœur encourages us to view the political order as a deeply important part of our shared existence. By thinking past the distorting function of ideology to the legitimating and integrating functions that Ricœur calls more basic than distortion, a mode of thought that is often at the heart of political evil, ideology can be used to mitigate that very evil.Keywords: Ricœur, “The Political Paradox,” Ideology, Political Violence, Justice.RésuméCet article s’appuie sur les analyses ricœuriennes de l’idéologie dans le but de montrer que l’idéologie est susceptible de contribuer à une atténuation du mal politique inhérent au paradoxe politique. Dans son explicitation de ce paradoxe, Ricœur cherche à mettre en relation tensionnelle deux aspects fondamentaux de la politique: ses avantages et ses maux. Cependant, cette tension ne devrait pas être interprétée comme l’expression d’un dualisme. En dépit du mal inhérent au politique, Ricœur nous encourage à voir l’ordre politique comme une partie profondément importante de notre existence partagée. Si l’on régresse en-deçà de la fonction de distorsion de l’idéologie vers ses fonctions légitimantes et integratrices, c’est-à-dire vers ses fonctions les plus fondamentales, il apparaît en effet que l’idéologie, tout en étant souvent au cœur du mal politique, peut néanmoins être utilisée pour atténuer ce mal.Mots-clés: Ricœur, paradoxe politique, ideologie, violence politique, justice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucas de Alvarenga Gontijo ◽  
Mariana Ferreira Bicalho

A democracia moderna, da forma que está estruturada, a se valer das superestruturas dos Estados modernos, enfrenta crises sistemáticas e espera superá-las. Entretanto, é possível pensar que os esforços para consertar o Estado Moderno são tautológicos porque, a partir do modelo democrático liberal, não se logrará atingir a essência do problema, pois a estrutura da forma política contemporânea se funda, exatamente, em suas contradições. Há, portanto, um paradoxo fundante e insuperável no modelo estruturante da democracia moderna e do Estado moderno. O que seria, portanto, esse paradoxo fundante? É o fato de que o Estado moderno se organiza a partir de uma alienação política resultante da separação entre Estado político e sociedade civil. Neste artigo, buscar-se-á demonstrar que essa estrutura, essencial para reprodução capitalista, é alienante em sua forma, em sua estrutura, não sendo suficiente para uma verdadeira democracia. Para tanto, o artigo valer-se-á de algumas obras de Karl Marx, como Crítica à filosofia do direito de Hegel, Glosas críticas ao artigo “O rei da Prússia e a reforma social’, 18 de brumário de Luís Bonaparte e Sobre a questão judaica e, por outro lado,  de escritos literários de Franz Kafka, como O Processo, Sobre a questão das leis, O Castelo e Um relatório para academia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 662-681
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov

This study develops a methodological tool for integration of research on party system fragmentation and party system nationalization. The method is built by decomposing a standard indicator of fragmentation, the effective number of parties, into individual-party components (effective size scores), and weighting them by nationalization scores, which allows for disaggregating the number of parties into two distinct components, the effective numbers of national and regional parties. As a result, it becomes possible to assess the influences of substantively important factors upon the components of the number of parties and the overall level of fragmentation in a methodologically consistent, quantifiable way. In addition, the proposed framework of analysis differentiates between direct and indirect effects upon party system fragmentation. A preliminary empirical test on a sample from 90 countries demonstrates that the proposed framework for analysis allows for achieving a rich and nuanced understanding of the factors of party system fragmentation.


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