Pipeline Politics in Iran, Turkey, and the South Caucasus

Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri

The relationship between Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus states have been influenced by an array of geopolitical, strategic, cultural, and economic factors. The competition between Iran and Turkey and their roles in the South Caucasus are best defined by traditional balance-of-power relations and the broader context of the post-Soviet era. This chapter unpacks the complex dynamics of pipeline politics in the South Caucasus region by underlying the need to understand the “Great Power Game” involving geostrategic and geo-economic interests of local governments, regional actors, global powers, and international oil companies. The larger focus turns on underscoring the importance of the region’s large oil and gas reserves; its land connection between the Caspian Sea, South Caucasus, and Europe; and its long-standing territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet era. Iran and Turkey have fought for influence in the South Caucasus while maintaining relatively good bilateral relationships in the region.

Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava

As middle powers with regional aspirations, Iran and Turkey see the South Caucasus region as an ideal arena for expanding their reach and influence. As post-sanctions Iran finds greater space for diplomacy and trade, the ensuing competition between the two neighboring countries is likely to intensify in the coming years. For both states, trade and soft power are the most viable tools for expanding their influence. In the long run, the competition in trade is only likely to benefit the three states of the South Caucasus. But it is also likely to keep the multiple conflicts that have ravaged the region over the last several decades — especially between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Russia and Georgia, and even the historic animosity between Turkey and Armenia — frozen and without a solution in sight.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-114
Author(s):  
FEDOR N. BUGAEV ◽  
◽  
GEORGE M. TURAVA ◽  

his article examines the activities of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to resolve the Georgian-Abkhaz and Georgian-Ossetian conflicts. The OSCE is one of the most important structures in ensuring regional stability and security, but in the current conditions it does not use the set of tools at its disposal to an adequate extent. The high conflict potential of the South Caucasus region and the specificity of the contradictions between the parties do not allow the use of identical formats for the settlement. This article conducts a retrospective analysis of the OSCE's participation in the conflicts in Georgia, identify the weak and strong sides of the organization's existing tools and propose new mechanisms and initiatives for the region under consideration that are in the OSCE's arsenal, but need more flexibility and adaptability to specific cases. Thus, the paper is aimed primarily at rethinking the role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe in the peaceful settlement of conflicts in Georgia in the current geopolitical conditions through a comprehensive assessment of the OSCE's potential in the specified region.


Author(s):  
N. Fedulova

In the present article, the author analyzes the problem of conflict zones around Russia on the post-Soviet space. The events of August 2008 in the Caucasus region highlighted many problems, which should be solved in order to ensure the security of Russia. Moreover, the "frozen" conflicts in South Caucasus and Moldavia carry a destructive potential. Territorial problems exist between Russia and Ukraine. The subject of the Caspian Sea legal status remains unclear, and it is bordered with Central Asia having its own social, ethno-religious and territorial problems, which create the instability belt on the southern borders of Russia. The success of Russia's policy and its global role will be determined foremost by its economic and scientific potential, its capacity for rapid development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-113
Author(s):  
A. M. Iskandaryan ◽  
H. G. Mikaelian

The coronavirus pandemic has become a test of States ‘ ability to respond to external challenges. The article assesses how quarantine measures are introduced and observed in different countries of the South Caucasus-from recommendations to the introduction of a state of emergency. It also examines the consequences these measures entail for the legitimacy of power, the structure of elites, and the quality of public administration in the region. From the analytical viewpoint, the South Caucasus represents an ideal model: different measures to combat the pandemic in these countries lead to different results. In general, the ideology of fighting coronavirus is based on isolationism and alarmism. Isolationism in the South Caucasus is part of a global trend, and in some cases, manifests itself as the result of Western normative influence. Alarmism is also a necessary factor in the fight against the virus: it was panic that became the basis for the rare consolidation of society around authorities in transit countries and mass approval of strict restrictions imposed by the national governments. Unlike previous crises of the twenty-first century, the pandemic creates a demand for the competence of the authorities and the willingness to implement political decisions at the expense of the comfort and economic interests of citizens. The peculiarity of the South Caucasus is that the demands for competence caused by the pandemic followed the desire of citizens to pressure governments to fight corruption, which was the main driver of the revolutions in Armenia and Georgia. Amidst the spread of the disease, the demand for sufficient work of state institutions has come to the fore. If Georgia’s relative success in fighting the pandemic goes on, this will be another indication for the rest of the region of how important it is for the state to be “institutionally sound”.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-297
Author(s):  
M. S. Suvanova

The South Caucasus region traditionally has an important role to play in global politics. This region for centuries has been an arena of confrontation for geopolitical and geostrategic interests between regional states and world powers; this affected the main transport routes, different cultures and religions. With the collapse of the USSR, the South Caucasus became an important and strategic place for Western countries; this bolstered the weakening of Russian influence in the region and the creation of a catalyst for further strengthening of its partners. Western countries sought to establish control over the extraction and diversification of Azerbaijani hydrocarbons. To fulfill these goals Western countries have relied on their ally Turkey, which also pursues its interests in the South Caucasus region.Since the early 1990s, Turkey’s policy towards the countries of the South Caucasus has intensified. Turkey developed policies of expanding its influence in the region. These policies were complex; it included both economic, energy and cultural components. A key element of Turkey’s policy in the region was the energy aspect. In the issue of diversifying the energy resources of the South Caucasus Turkey has made significant progress by implementing projects of pipelines going through its territory, she achieved the status of an energetic conveyor. Another important area of Turkey’s policy in the South Caucasus was the cultural and educational aspect. It is based on the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», which includes elements of «pan-Turkism». The main purpose of this idea was to expand Turkey’s influence by educating pro-Turkic youth in the countries of the region, and also create a positive image for Turkey among various segments of the population that would support its policies.The peculiarity of Turkey’s policy is a multilateral and flexible policy that includes both economic integration, energy cooperation, and a soft and effective policy that includes cultural interaction based on ethnic and linguistic similarity. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-149
Author(s):  
AREN SARGSYAN ◽  
TIGRAN KOCHARYAN

The South Caucasus region is characterized by the presence of frozen conflicts, the activation of impending threats. For security and stability problematic is the important factor that the countries in the region have adopted a diametrically different security and defense strategies, policy of joining the centers of power and allies. Continuing development of defense capabilities is a logical choice for Armenia, which follows from the aims of the state and public security, and the maintenance and, if necessary, even the world compulsion. To achieve these objectives in the Republic of Armenia is carried out the process, which called the Strategic Defense Review.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 56-65
Author(s):  
T. Davitashvili ◽  
N. Kutaladze ◽  
R. Kvatadze ◽  
L. Megrelidze ◽  
G. Mikuchadze ◽  
...  

This study evaluates the ability of several Regional Climate Models (RCMs) to simulate rainfall patterns in the South Caucasus region. In total, 8 RCM simulations were assessed against the CRU observational database over different domains, among them two from the Coordinated Regional Climate Downscaling Experiment (CORDEX). Seasonal climatology, annual rainfall cycles and interannual variability in RCM outputs were estimated for 8 homogeneous sub-regions against several observational datasets. Different metrics covering from monthly and seasonal to annual time scales are analyzed over the region of interest. The results confirm the distinct capabilities of climate models in capturing the local features of the climatic conditions of the South Caucasus region. At the same time, the analysis shows significant deviations in individual models depending on the sub-region and season; however, the ensemble mean is in better agreement with observations than individual models. Overall, the analysis presented here demonstrates that, the multi-model ensemble mean adequately simulates rainfall in the South Caucasus and, therefore, it can be used to assess future climate predictions for the region. This work promotes the selection of RCM runs with reasonable performance in the South Caucasus region, from which, for the first time, a high-resolution bias-adjusted climate database can be generated for future risk assessment and impact studies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-151
Author(s):  
TIGRAN KOCHARYAN ◽  
AREN SARGSYAN

The South Caucasus region is characterized by the presence of frozen conflicts, and the activation of impending threats. For security and stability it is important that the countries in the region have adopted a diametrically different security and defense strategies and policy of joining the centers of power and allies. Continuing development of defense capabilities is the logical choice for Armenia, which follows from the aims of the state and public security, and, if necessary, even the world compulsion. To achieve these objectives Republic of Armenia carries out a process, which is called Strategic Defense Review.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Owens Imarhiagbe ◽  
David Smallbone ◽  
George Saridakis ◽  
Robert Blackburn ◽  
Anne-Marie Mohammed

PurposeThis article examines access to finance for SMEs in the Baltic States and the South Caucasus countries following the financial crisis of 2007 and is set within the context of the rule of law for businesses.Design/methodology/approachThe article uses the cross-sectional dataset from the Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) for 2009 to examine access to finance for SMEs and the court system in the Baltic States and the South Caucasus countries. An ordered probit estimation technique is used to model access to finance and the court system in the Baltic States and the South Caucasus countries. The analysis draws upon institutional theory to explain access to finance for SMEs.FindingsThe results show variations from one Baltic State and South Caucasus country to another in relation to fairness, speed of justice and enforcement of court decisions. The analysis suggests that if access to finance is not an obstacle to business operations and the court system is fair, impartial and uncorrupted, it determines the likelihood of strength in entrepreneurship. Additionally, the results show that, within the Baltic region, businesses experiencing constraints in accessing finance are more likely to have females as their top managers. However, for the South Caucasus region, there was no gender difference.Research limitations/implicationsThis research is based on evidence from the Baltic States and the South Caucasus region. However, the findings are relevant to discussions on the importance of the context of entrepreneurship, and more specifically, the rule of law. The institutional theory provides an explanation for coercive, normative and mimetic institutional isomorphism in the context of access to finance for SMEs. Coercive institutional isomorphism exerts a dependence on access to finance for SMEs. In coercive institutional isomorphism, formal and informal pressures are exerted by external organisations such as governments, legal regulatory authorities, banks and other lending institutions. These formal and informal pressures are imposed to ensure compliance as a dependency for successful access to finance goal.Practical implicationsThis research creates awareness among entrepreneurs, potential entrepreneurs, business practitioners and society that reducing obstacles to access finance and a fair court system improve entrepreneurial venture formation. This has the potential to create employment, advance business development and improve economic development.Originality/valueThis paper makes an original contribution by emphasising the significance of access to finance and a fair court system in encouraging stronger entrepreneurship. The institutional framework provides a definition for coercive institutional isomorphism to show how external forces exert a dependence pressure towards access to finance for SMEs.


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