scholarly journals Deviations of the Politics of Memory in Eastern Europe and in the Post-Soviet Space

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Kantor

The narratives of the Second World War, which may undoubtedly be referred to as “complex issues of history”, have not been entirely reflected upon yet and therefore are full of phobias and myths. While analysing the set of tools of the politics of memory, the author of this article points outs the following: the politicization of history (following political conjuncture), the manipulation of facts, the glorification of history and its actors, demonisation, i. e., the construction of the image of an internal and external enemy, the ideological censoring of controversial assessments, and the actualisation of sociopolitical nostalgia. The use of this arsenal of ideological influence on mass consciousness can be seen in high-profile sociopolitical incidents of recent times. The difference in historical assessments is a reality that is pointless to obscure. Overcoming historical traumas, i. e., the “combination of history and memory”, is an indispensable condition for normalising and objectifying reflection on the past. The subject of the author’s attention is foreign policy invectives that have become hotbeds of diplomatic tension (more particularly, the Declaration of the European Parliament on the Outbreak of World War II adopted in 2019), the activities of governmental organisations “responsible” for the politics of memory (the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory), expositions of museums in Eastern Europe (the Museum of the Second World War in Gdansk, the Museum of the Occupation in Riga), school history textbooks, the fate of the monuments dedicated to the Second World War (in particular, the Bronze Soldier in Tallinn), public historical and political actions that “overturn” historical reality (for example, Legionnaire Day marches in Riga), and the censorship of publications with an alternative view of the traumatic events of the war.

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-674
Author(s):  
Ilya A. Pomiguev ◽  
Eldar R. Salakhetdinov

The paper analyses the politics of memory of the World War II (WWII) in socialist Yugoslavia and compares the corresponding commemorative practices in the post-Yugoslav republics. The focus is on the design of holidays and memorial dates that reflect the symbolic and valuable attitudes of society, as well as the trajectory of nation-building. The formation of the state metanarrative in post-war Yugoslavia was closely related to the monopolisation of the leadership roles of the national liberation war by the communists, who united the six South Slavic nations in their struggle against the Nazi invaders. The state holidays and memorial days were derived from the history of resistance to foreign occupiers and internal enemies in order to legitimise and strengthen the triumph of the new socialist order. Alternative Yugoslavian non-communist movements, especially the Ustash and Chetniks who were potentially capable of competing in the symbolic field, were declared class enemies, reactionary elements, and quislings. As the processes of disintegration increased in socialist Yugoslavia, there were several attempts to revise its ideological attitudes and symbolic heritage of WWII. Nevertheless, as the study shows these attempts became, rather, a marginal phenomenon, and most post-Yugoslav states retained the commemorative, albeit de-ideologised, practices of the previous period.


Author(s):  
Tore T. Petersen

This chapter examines events following, the Second World War, and argues that Norway and the United Kingdom have not had as close a relationship as the official rhetoric suggests. Although the countries do share common interests, Petersen argues that they lack “real-life alliance politics and relations”, using as material the details of state visit by Norwegian Prime Minister Einar Gerhardsen and his wife Werna to Britain in 1956. The major issues discussed in the press at the time dealt largely with simple matters of protocol, and the visit did not even include discussion of the imminent Suez conflict, in which many Norwegian owned cargo ships were involved. Like Scotland, Norway was a small client state and although World War II presented the countries with a common enemy, and Norway’s king governed in exile from London during the Nazi occupation of his country, Petersen argues that the difference in size, power and influence between the British Empire and Norway overshadowed bilateral relations between Britain and Norway, as well as those between Scotland and Norway.


Author(s):  
Yuliya Maystrenko-Vakulenko

Purpose of the article. During World War II, hundreds of Ukrainian artists were at the front. The drawings they created were a powerful source of propaganda for the Soviet regime. At the same time, in the general unity of the full-scale front-line drawing the individual features of artists of great artistic skill are clearly traced. The aim of the article is to determine the circle of leading Ukrainian artists who during the Second World War were in the troops of the Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army (RSCA) and worked in the field of drawing; to study the genre, artistic and stylistic structure, as well as materials and techniques of frontal drawings; identify the features of the reproduction of space-time in the front-line drawing of Ukrainian artists. Methodology. The study is based on the principle of historicism, a combination of historical and cultural, contextual methods, art history image and stylistic and system-comparative analysis. Scientific novelty. Peculiarities of human psychology of perception were clearly manifested in the drawing of frontline artists. The compression of the time field in the drawings of frontline artists is due not only to the doctrine of socialist realism, which was based on spatial three-dimensionality, but also to the peculiarities of human perception of time and space in stressful conditions. This also explains the difference of time display in the drawings created by the artists in the conditions of the front and evacuation. Artists, whose period of study coincided with the years of the avant-garde, the introduction of formal foundations of art in educational institutions, have achieved a much deeper and broader interpretation in the drawing of temporal and spatial categories. Conclusions. Frontline sketches were pictorial diaries: notes, sketches that were intended to be triggers for memories, for further writing of pictorial "memoirs" - paintings on the theme of war. This theme of Soviet propaganda will become a pass for future decades in all artistic spheres, both artistic and literary, musical, film and theater, etc., ensuring the favor of party leaders and the respect of the average Soviet man. Drawings of Serhiy Hryhoriev, Zinovy ​​Tolkachov, Vasyl Ovchynnikov, Anatol Petrytsky, Georgy Melikhov, Anton Komashko and other prominent Ukrainian artists are distinguished by the ability to give the passage of events the meaning of epic generalization, elevation above the simplified goal of capturing the moment. Keywords: drawing, Ukrainian drawing, frontline drawing, sketch, the Second World War, portrait, landscape.


Author(s):  
Serhy Yekelchyk

In post-communist Russia the state has been supporting the production of historical films reflecting the official politics of memory, in which primacy is given to the victory in World War II. Often filmed in Ukraine, where the national cinema industry was nearly extinct until recently, these films project an imperial stereotype of modern Ukrainian identity as a fake and Ukrainian patriots as traitors. In contrast, the Ukrainian patriotic war narrative has only been reflected in straight-to-DVD films celebrating the nationalist insurgency. This article focuses on three recent films: two Russian films set in Ukraine during the war, which caused protests in Ukraine, and the first full-length Ukrainian war film to receive mass distribution, Mykhailo Illienko’s Firecrosser (2012), interpreted here as an attempt to merge Soviet historical mythology with the Ukrainian one.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Dilorom Bobojonova ◽  

In this article, the author highlights the worthy contribution of the people of Uzbekistan, along with other peoples, to the victory over fascism in World War II in a historical aspect. This approach to this issue will serve as additional material to previously published works in international scientific circles


Author(s):  
Pedro Iacobelli Delpiano

ResumenLa literatura sobre la historia internacional de Chile durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial ha centrado el debate en torno al juego de presiones ejercidas por los Estados Unidos hacia los gobiernos radicales de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia y Juan Antonio Ríos Morales para conseguir que Chile se sumara a la política continental contra las fuerzas del Eje. La neutralidad chilena fue interpretada como una actitud traicionera por los estadounidenses y en un triunfo por los países del Eje durante 1941 a 1943. Este artículo introduce el debate y busca presentar las posibilidades historiográficas al incluir a Japón, tanto como actor relevante en la política chilena como receptor de la “neutralidad” chilena en el periodo.Palabras clave: Chile, Japón, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografíaThe Chilean “Neutrality” in World War II (1939-1943): A historiographical analysis focused on the literature of the diplomatic relations between Chile and JapanAbstractThe literature about Chile´s international history during World War II has heavily laid on the power dynamics between the US and the Chilean radical governments of vice-president (interim) Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia and president Juan Antonio Rios Morales. Since the Roosevelt administration sought to secure the rupture of diplomatic relations between Chile and the Axis powers, Santiago´s refusal to break relations was understood as treason by the US and as a diplomatic success by the Axis powers during 1941-1943.This paper delves into the historiographical possibilities in including Japan, either as a relevant actor in the Chilean politics and as receptor of the newsabout Chile´s neutrality.Keywords: Chile, Japan, Second World War, United States, historiographyA “neutralidade” chilena na segunda guerra mundial(1939-1943): uma análise historiográfica, com ênfase naliteratura sobre as relações Chile-JapãoResumoA literatura sobre a história internacional do Chile durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial tem-se centrado no debate em torno ao jogo de pressões exercidas pelos Estados Unidos aos governos radicais de Jerónimo Méndez Arancibia e Juan Antonio Rios Morales, para conseguir que o Chile pudesse se somar a política continental contra as forças do Eixo. A neutralidade chilena foi interpretada como uma atitude traiçoeira pelos norte-americanos e uma vitória para os países do Eixo durante 1941 a 1943. Este artigo introduz o debate e procura a presentar as possibilidades historiográficas ao incluir ao Japão, tanto como um ator relevante na política chilena como o destinatário da “neutralidade” chilena no período.Palavras-chave: Chile, Japão, Segunda Guerra Mundial, Estados Unidos, historiografia


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