Economic and Social Rights Lost in Transition

2020 ◽  
Vol 2(22) ◽  
pp. 63-73
Author(s):  
Davor Trlin
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Property Rights ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Self Management ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
World War ◽  
Basic Reason

All European constitutions after World War II expressed their commitment to economic and social rights. Those countries that began building socialist social order after the war specially emphasized those rights. After the break-up of the “socialist paradigm” and the establishment of “new democracies”, constitutional leaders have taken a new stance towards the socio-economic group. This is the process that did not bypassed countries formed by dissolution of Yugoslavia. We will analyse specially what is left of the constitutional experiment of self-management. Nowadays, there is no workers’ participation in place in any of the countries that emerged after the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, neither as a system nor as a practice of having consultations within companies with the aim to address specific technological, organisational and social problems. There are several reasons for this, but the basic reason is that politicians still believe that workers’ participation was created as part of the ideological apparatus of the former socialist system. By way of property rights and small shareholding, the laws opened the way to participation, and the legal framework could continue to develop.

Morality for the “Democracy of God”: George Albert Coe and the Liberal Protestant Critique of American Character Education, 1917–1940

2005 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Setran
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Character Education ◽  
Moral Education ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Columbia University ◽  
World War ◽  
Moral Decision Making ◽  
American Character

AbstractIn the years between World War I and World War II in the United States, public and religious educators engaged in an extended struggle to define the appropriate nature of character education for American youth. Within a post-war culture agonizing over the sanctions of moral living in the wake of mass violence and vanishing certitudes, a group of conservative educators sought to shore up traditional values through the construction of morality codes defining the characteristics of the “good American.” At the same time, a group of liberal progressive educators set forth a vigorous critique of these popular character education programs. This article analyzes the nature of this liberal critique by looking at one leading liberal spokesperson, George Albert Coe. Coe taught at Union Theological Seminary and Teachers College, Columbia University, and used his platform in these institutions to forge a model of character education derived from the combined influences of liberal Protestantism and Deweyan progressive education. Coe posited a two-pronged vision for American moral education rooted in the need for both procedural democracy (collaborative moral decision making) and a democratic social order. Utilizing this vision of the “democracy of God,” Coe demonstrated the inadequacies of code-based models, pointing in particular to the anachronism of traditional virtues in a world of social interdependence, the misguided individualism of the virtues, and the indoctrinatory nature of conservative programs. He proposed that youth be allowed to participate in moral experimentation, adopting ideals through scientific testing rather than unthinking allegiance to authoritative commands. Expanding the meaning of morality to include social as well as personal righteousness, he also made character education a vehicle of social justice. In the end, I contend that Coe's democratic model of character education, because of its scientific epistemological hegemony and devaluing of tradition, actually failed to promote a truly democratic character.

USE and abuse of official statistics in Latin America: The case of Argentina

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Victor A. Beker
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Consumer Price Index ◽  
Extreme Case ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
World War ◽  
Official Statistics ◽  
Government Interference ◽  
The Caribbean

In line with the Fundamental Principals of Official Statistics to produce valid and reliable statistics Governments need to provide the legal framework and resources to the statistical system to allow statisticians to produce the required statistics, without interference, using the best available methodology and techniques from the most suited sources of information. In Latin America and the Caribbean the colonial past affected and still affects the production of statistics. During the Colonial period statistics were of limited scope and use, mostly serving the interests of the Colonial powers. After independence in Latin America statistics became an instrument for development only after World War II, while in the Caribbean the newly independent nations had to adjust the Colonial system to national souvereignity. Conflicts between statistical independence and administrative desire and convenience did occur. Occasionally statisticians were under pressure to modify results to serve administrative or political purposes. An extreme case of Government interference with statistical activities is the case of Argentine since 2007. The gross manipulation of the Consumer Price Index (CPI) that began at that time was aimed at concealing the rise in inflation which took place at the beginning of that year. Statisticians in the National Statistical Office who refused to be part of the forgery were demoted, and dismissed while others resigned. The alteration of the CPI severely affected other statistical indices. Private consultants and researchers were subject to criminal prosecutions and punished with hefty fines for the “crime” of publishing their own price estimates. Although in most cases the judicial system acquitted them, this happened some years later, and currently there are still researchers awaiting the final judgement. In spite of the reaction by public opinion and the world statistical community nothing changed substantially until now. The paper concludes with some recommendations to safeguard the integrity of statistics inspired by this sad experience.

scholarly journals Titoizem in konec Jugoslavije

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Zdenko Čepič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Self Management ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
The Right

Although the second Yugoslavia was often called Tito’s Yugoslavia in political parlance, the term Titoism was rarely used for its political regime and the structure of its government at the time. The term was closely connected to the person of Josip Broz Tito. The connection was based both on the name and on the fact that the term applied to events that happened during Tito’s rule. It is simply an eponym in the true sense of the word. On one hand, Titoism was the principle on which the second Yugoslavia was based, and on the other it was a method of governing. Titoism can also describe the Yugoslav type of socialism and its characteristic features, as well as the country in general. Titoism is not so much an ideology, but rather a practice. It is the government's means. Titoism is Yugoslavia as a country after World War II, it is the structure of the state administration, i.e. the federal government, and the principle on which it is based, i.e. the recognition of the nation’s right of self-determination, including the right to secede, as well as the country’s political system – the workers’ self-management. Everything that can be understood as Titoism was representative of the second Yugoslavia. On one hand, Titoism was the means for the country’s rise, its creation and development (progression), but on the other hand, Titoism already contained the seed of the country’s dissolution, its demise and the disintegration of the whole system known as Titoism. Of what was actually the end of the second Yugoslavia.

scholarly journals El compromiso ético y político com el derecho a la educación: entre discursos y realidades / The ethical and political commitment to the right to education. Between discourses and realities / O compromisso ético e político com o direito à educação. Entre discursos e realidades

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Carrillo Flores
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Quality Education ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
World War ◽  
Right To Education ◽  
Derechos Humanos ◽  
Human Formation ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right

Resumen: El legado del siglo veinte nos muestra avances en los Derechos Humanos, entre ellos el Derecho a la Educación, pero también nos evidencia los problemas de vulneración y las barreras aún existentes. Las crisis económicas recientes han agravado la situación, y las desigualdades educativas en vez de disminuir se acrecientan al amparo de políticas de ajuste en lo concerniente a derechos sociales. El contenido del texto plantea tal coyuntura y para hacerlo se estructura en cuatro apartados. Tras una breve presentación que nos permite contextualizar el tema, se realiza un breve repaso a cuatro estudios impulsados por la UNESCO (Coombs, Faure, Delors, Morin) que muestran las dificultades y los logros en educación desde la segunda guerra mundial al cambio de milenio. A continuación se presentan dos paradojas que vive la educación cuestionada del presente. Por una parte se expanden las políticas que llevana prácticas que niegan la educación como derecho, al mismo tiempo se ensalza el valor de uma educación de calidad para el desarrollo. Por outra parte, y en relación a lo anterior, la educación de calidad que se propone no incorpora la formación humana, más bien al contrario se mercantiliza la educación y se propone uma educación para el emprender y la empleabilidad como medida anticrisis. En el último apartado se plantea el Derecho a la Educación como reto deseable y posible.Abstract: The legacy of the 20th century has shown advances in the achievement of Human Rights, included the Right to Education. However, it has also shown problems involving the vulnerability and the barriers still existent regarding such rights. The economic crisis have aggravated the situation, and the educational inequalities, in place of weakening, grow along with the adjustment of social rights policies. This paper exposes such scenario, and, to do so, is structured in 4 sections. After a brief introduction that allows the contextualization of the subject, there is a brief review of four studies promoted by UNESCO (Coombs, Faure, Delors, Morin) that show the difficulties and the achievements on education from world war II until the change of the century. Then, the paper exposes two paradoxes which education goes through. On one hand, there is an expansion of policies that result in practices that deny education as a right, but at the same time an exaltation of the values of a quality education for development. On the other hand, the quality education exalted does not incorporate a human formation, but, on the contrary, mercantilizes itself, being education proposed as a means for entrepreneurship and the emplyability as an anticrisis mechanism. In the last section, the right to education is shown as a desirable and possible challenge.Resumo: O legado do século XX nos mostra avanços nos Direitos Humanos, entre eles o Direito à Educação. Mas também nos evidencia os problemas envolvendo a vulnerabilidade e as barreiras ainda existentes. As crises económicas recentes têm agravado a situação, e as desigualdades educativas, em vez de diminuir, crescem ao amparo de políticas de ajustes relativas aos direitos sociais. O conteúdo do texto expõe tal conjuntura e, para fazê-lo, se estrutura em quatro seções. Após uma breve apresentação que permite contextualizar o tema, faz-se uma breve revisão de quatro estudos promovidos pela UNESCO (Coombs, Faure, Delors, Morin) que mostram as dificuldades e os êxitos na educação desde a segunda guerra mundial até a mudança do século. Após, são apresentados dois paradoxos pelos quais passa a educação ora analisada. Por um lado, se expandem as políticas que levam a práticas que negam a educação como direito, mas ao mesmo tempo se exalta o valor de uma educação de qualidade para o desenvolvimento. Por outro lado, e em relação ao anterior, a educação de qualidade que se propõe não incorpora a formação humana, mas ao contrário, se mercantiliza, propondo-se uma educação para o empreendedorismo e a empregabilidade como uma medida anti-crise. Na última seção, o direito à educação é apresentado como um desafio desejável e possível.

The Historical Development of Crimes against Humanity and Jurisprudence of the Rwanda, Former Yugoslavia, and Sierra Leone Tribunals

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tilman Rodenhäuser
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Law ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
International Criminal Tribunal ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii

Chapter 8 analyses post-World War II jurisprudence, national jurisprudence, the International Law Commission’s work, and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) jurisprudence regarding what types of non-state entities might be involved in crimes against humanity. It argues that while the Nuremberg Charter and post-World War II jurisprudence, including national jurisprudence, were focused on state crimes, state involvement has rarely been considered a legal element of crimes against humanity. This is also evident in the International Law Commission’s work. This chapter analyses how the three abovementioned international(ized) tribunals addressed the question of non-state entity involvement in crimes against humanity and argues that the ICTY and the SCSL did not limit entities behind crimes against humanity to abstract ‘state-like entities’, but primarily considered whether the group in question had the capacity to commit the crimes.

On the Edge of Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosario Forlenza
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Order ◽  
World War ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Existential Crisis ◽  
Real People ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
Political Norms ◽  
Symbolic Formation

This book links the emergence of democracy in Italy after World War II to human experiences and the symbolic formation of meaning in a time of political and existential uncertainty. Between 1943 and 1948 Italians experienced the most intense period of the war, with its hardship and violence, and the most intense period of social, economic, and political reconstruction, with its hopes and vitality. Unlike conventional accounts that focus on institutions, ideologies, and political norms, On the Edge of Democracy examines the aspirations, expectations, and hopes of real people in real time—the social dramas the individuals engaged with. Adopting an anthropological approach, it sees the process of democratization in Italy as analogous to a ritual passage, in which social order was suspended and then reasserted following a liminal time during which ideas and beliefs were reformulated and new meanings, symbols, and identities emerged. The period of civil war 1943–5, especially, was a time of brutality and dramatic violence as well as a critical juncture of creative existential pluralism. The events during the period following the collapse of Fascism and the disintegration of national unity created a new popular consciousness and changed the relationships among individuals, and between individual and political power. Existential crisis and lived experiences during this period of uncertainty generated new meanings, interpretations, and hopes that shaped post-Fascist democracy. Democracy in Italy was the consequence of ordinary’s people reactions to, and symbolization of, the circumstances which they went through in those extraordinary times.

Shils and the intellectuals

2019 ◽  
pp. 171-190
Author(s):  
Jefferson Pooley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Gustave Flaubert ◽  
Adult Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Moral Ideal ◽  
The Social ◽  
Civil Politics ◽  
Hippolyte Taine

This chapter traces Shils' distinctive conception of the intellectual—as indispensable to, but all too often an opponent of, social order. Shils’ aversion to intellectual disloyalty was a constant throughout his adult life, though his specifically ‘Shilsian’ take on the intellectual and his society would only cohere, in a sophisticated, original, and consistent way, in the late 1950s. The chapter reconstructs Shils encounter with the downcast intellectual, first as a precocious reader of Gustave Flaubert, Hippolyte Taine, and, above all, Georges Sorel. It was Sorel’s chiliastic politics of heroic violence which, in its purist clarity, helped disclose the transcendent moral impulse that, to varying degrees, leads intellectuals to judge their societies harshly. When, after World War II, the moral ideal seemed spent even within socialist movements, Shils observed its traces in the complaints of ex-radicals. Society’s loose consensus depends on public belief, he argued, which in turn depends on the social picture put forward by intellectuals. These ‘persons with an unusual sensitivity to the sacred’ could help support the fragile achievements of civil politics, but Shils was not optimistic.

Pick a Pocket Or Two

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan Mordden
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
World War ◽  
Strong Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
American Model ◽  
History Of

This book tells the full history of the British musical, from The Beggar's Opera (1728) to the present, by isolating the unique qualities of the form and its influence on the American model. To place a very broad generalization, the American musical is regarded as largely about ambition fulfilled, whereas the British musical is about social order. Oklahoma!'s Curly wins the heart of the farmer Laurey—or, in other words, the cowboy becomes a landowner, establishing a truce between the freelancers on horseback and the ruling class. Half a Sixpence, on the other hand, finds a working-class boy coming into a fortune and losing it to fancy Dans, whereupon he is reunited with his working-class sweetheart, his modest place in the social order affirmed. Anecdotal and evincing a strong point of view, the book covers not only the shows and their authors but the personalities as well—W. S. Gilbert trying out his stagings on a toy theatre, Ivor Novello going to jail for abusing wartime gas rationing during World War II, fabled producer C. B. Cochran coming to a most shocking demise for a man whose very name meant “classy, carefree entertainment.”

Political Complexities of Ethnochoreological Research: The Facets of Scholarly Work on Dance in the Countries of Former Yugoslavia

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
Selena Rakočević
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
Emerging Market ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Educational Policies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Scholarly Work ◽  
World War ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Political Realities

As independent scholarly discipline grounded in folkloristics, ethnochoreology was predominantly founded within the state institutions of the socialist regime of former Yugoslavia after World War II and was consequently molded theoretically and methodologically in accordance with the prevailing ideology of the ruling socialist political system. In post-socialist regimes established in former Yugoslavian republics after the 1990s, which led to emerging market economies and caused huge modifications in the official social and educational policies of each country, ethnochoreology continued to be linked with state institutions. At the same time, however, it has been subject to extensive remodeling which included changes within the discipline itself along with its repositioning in the academic and educational system. This article examines political facets of ethnochoreological research in former Yugoslavian republics, comparing the experiences of many individual dance scholars. Based on interviews with colleagues from Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Montenegro, the study will explore the general position of ethnochoreologists as well as their attitudes toward the relationships between dance research and the concrete political situations in each of their countries. Questions discussed encompass standpoints about how the political realities we are living in influence the remodeling of ethnochoreology in epistemological and methodological terms, but also its position in academic, educational and research contexts.

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