scholarly journals El compromiso ético y político com el derecho a la educación: entre discursos y realidades / The ethical and political commitment to the right to education. Between discourses and realities / O compromisso ético e político com o direito à educação. Entre discursos e realidades

Author(s):  
Isabel Carrillo Flores

Resumen: El legado del siglo veinte nos muestra avances en los Derechos Humanos, entre ellos el Derecho a la Educación, pero también nos evidencia los problemas de vulneración y las barreras aún existentes. Las crisis económicas recientes han agravado la situación, y las desigualdades educativas en vez de disminuir se acrecientan al amparo de políticas de ajuste en lo concerniente a derechos sociales. El contenido del texto plantea tal coyuntura y para hacerlo se estructura en cuatro apartados. Tras una breve presentación que nos permite contextualizar el tema, se realiza un breve repaso a cuatro estudios impulsados por la UNESCO (Coombs, Faure, Delors, Morin) que muestran las dificultades y los logros en educación desde la segunda guerra mundial al cambio de milenio. A continuación se presentan dos paradojas que vive la educación cuestionada del presente. Por una parte se expanden las políticas que llevana prácticas que niegan la educación como derecho, al mismo tiempo se ensalza el valor de uma educación de calidad para el desarrollo. Por outra parte, y en relación a lo anterior, la educación de calidad que se propone no incorpora la formación humana, más bien al contrario se mercantiliza la educación y se propone uma educación para el emprender y la empleabilidad como medida anticrisis. En el último apartado se plantea el Derecho a la Educación como reto deseable y posible.Abstract: The legacy of the 20th century has shown advances in the achievement of Human Rights, included the Right to Education. However, it has also shown problems involving the vulnerability and the barriers still existent regarding such rights. The economic crisis have aggravated the situation, and the educational inequalities, in place of weakening, grow along with the adjustment of social rights policies. This paper exposes such scenario, and, to do so, is structured in 4 sections. After a brief introduction that allows the contextualization of the subject, there is a brief review of four studies promoted by UNESCO (Coombs, Faure, Delors, Morin) that show the difficulties and the achievements on education from world war II until the change of the century. Then, the paper exposes two paradoxes which education goes through. On one hand, there is an expansion of policies that result in practices that deny education as a right, but at the same time an exaltation of the values of a quality education for development. On the other hand, the quality education exalted does not incorporate a human formation, but, on the contrary, mercantilizes itself, being education proposed as a means for entrepreneurship and the emplyability as an anticrisis mechanism. In the last section, the right to education is shown as a desirable and possible challenge.Resumo: O legado do século XX nos mostra avanços nos Direitos Humanos, entre eles o Direito à Educação. Mas também nos evidencia os problemas envolvendo a vulnerabilidade e as barreiras ainda existentes. As crises económicas recentes têm agravado a situação, e as desigualdades educativas, em vez de diminuir, crescem ao amparo de políticas de ajustes relativas aos direitos sociais. O conteúdo do texto expõe tal conjuntura e, para fazê-lo, se estrutura em quatro seções. Após uma breve apresentação que permite contextualizar o tema, faz-se uma breve revisão de quatro estudos promovidos pela UNESCO (Coombs, Faure, Delors, Morin) que mostram as dificuldades e os êxitos na educação desde a segunda guerra mundial até a mudança do século. Após, são apresentados dois paradoxos pelos quais passa a educação ora analisada. Por um lado, se expandem as políticas que levam a práticas que negam a educação como direito, mas ao mesmo tempo se exalta o valor de uma educação de qualidade para o desenvolvimento. Por outro lado, e em relação ao anterior, a educação de qualidade que se propõe não incorpora a formação humana, mas ao contrário, se mercantiliza, propondo-se uma educação para o empreendedorismo e a empregabilidade como uma medida anti-crise. Na última seção, o direito à educação é apresentado como um desafio desejável e possível.

Author(s):  
Emily Robins Sharpe

The Jewish Canadian writer Miriam Waddington returned repeatedly to the subject of the Spanish Civil War, searching for hope amid the ruins of Spanish democracy. The conflict, a prelude to World War II, inspired an outpouring of literature and volunteerism. My paper argues for Waddington’s unique poetic perspective, in which she represents the Holocaust as the Spanish Civil War’s outgrowth while highlighting the deeply personal repercussions of the war – consequences for women, for the earth, and for community. Waddington’s poetry connects women’s rights to human rights, Canadian peace to European war, and Jewish persecution to Spanish carnage.


2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Fontaine

ArgumentFor more than thirty years after World War II, the unconventional economist Kenneth E. Boulding (1910–1993) was a fervent advocate of the integration of the social sciences. Building on common general principles from various fields, notably economics, political science, and sociology, Boulding claimed that an integrated social science in which mental images were recognized as the main determinant of human behavior would allow for a better understanding of society. Boulding's approach culminated in the social triangle, a view of society as comprised of three main social organizers – exchange, threat, and love – combined in varying proportions. According to this view, the problems of American society were caused by an unbalanced combination of these three organizers. The goal of integrated social scientific knowledge was therefore to help policy makers achieve the “right” proportions of exchange, threat, and love that would lead to social stabilization. Though he was hopeful that cross-disciplinary exchanges would overcome the shortcomings of too narrow specialization, Boulding found that rather than being the locus of a peaceful and mutually beneficial exchange, disciplinary boundaries were often the occasion of conflict and miscommunication.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-376
Author(s):  
Andrew Ludanyi

The fate of Hungarian minorities in East Central Europe has been one of the most neglected subjects in the Western scholarly world. For the past fifty years the subject—at least prior to the late 1980s—was taboo in the successor states (except Yugoslavia), while in Hungary itself relatively few scholars dared to publish anything about this issue till the early 1980s. In the West, it was just not faddish, since most East European and Russian Area studies centers at American, French and English universities tended to think of the territorial status quo as “politically correct.” The Hungarian minorities, on the other hand, were a frustrating reminder that indeed the Entente after World War I, and the Allies after World War II, made major mistakes and significantly contributed to the pain and anguish of the peoples living in this region of the “shatter zone.”


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard D. Hamilton

Any middle-aged member of the political science guild in a retrospective mood might ponder a question: “What ever happened to direct democracy?” In our halcyon student days the textbooks discussed the direct democracy trinity—initiative, referendum, and recall—described their mechanics and variations, explained their origin in the Progressive Era, told us that the United States, Australia, and Switzerland were leading practitioners of direct democracy, cited a few eccentric referenda, gave the standard pro and con arguments, and essayed some judgments of the relative merits of direct and representative democracy. Latter day collegians may pass through the portals innocent of the existence of the institutions of direct government. Half of the American government texts never mention the subject; the others allocate a paragraph or a page for a casual mention or a barebones explanation of the mechanics.A similar trend has occurred in the literature. Before 1921, every volume of this Review had items on the referendum, five in one volume. Subsequently there have been only seven articles, all but two prior to World War II. “The Initiative and Referendum in Graustark” has ceased to be a fashionable dissertation topic, only four in the last thirty years. All but two of the published monographs antedate World War II.


2017 ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Piotr Jacek Krzyżanowski

The Third Reich’s policy towards the Sinti and Roma people was based on racist theories claiming the superiority of the German nation over other nations. The rule of the National Socialists in Germany systematically eliminated the Sinti and Roma people from all areas of public life. They were regarded as a socially unassimilated group prone to criminal activity. Consequently, the Roma and Sinti people were refused the right to live and were subject to compulsory sterilisation and systematic extermination during World War II. It was in German-occupied Poland that the extermination was carried out to the greatest extent. Losses among the Roma and Sinti people have not been precisely estimated yet. Approximately at least 250,000 lost their lives in ghettos, concentration camps and outside the camps.


Author(s):  
Rodrigo Porto Bozzetti ◽  
Gustavo Saldanha

The purpose of this paper, considering the relevance of Shera thoughts and its repercussions, is to reposition, in epistemological-historical terms, Jesse Shera’s approaches and their impacts according to a relation between life and work of the epistemologist. Without the intention of an exhaustive discussion, the purpose is to understand some unequivocal relations between the Shera critique for the context of its theoretical formulation and the consequences of this approach contrary to some tendencies originating from the technical and bureaucratic roots of the field (before and after World War II). It is deduced that Shera, rather than observing the sociopolitical reality and technical partner in which the texture of alibrary-based thought (but visualized by him as documentaryinformational), establishes, in his own praxis, social epistemology as a sort of "critique of the future," that is, as a praxis of the reflexive activity of the subject inserted in this episteme. In our discussion, the epistemological-social approach represents a vanguard for the context of its affirmation, a reassessment for the immediate decades to its presentation(years 1960 and 1970) and a critique for the future of what was consolidated under the notion of information Science, anticipating affirmations of "social nature" of the 1980s and 1990s in the field of information.


Author(s):  
Anneli Fjordevik

In the last few years, many people from war-torn countries have left home to seek safety in distant countries. Refugees have come to Europe to an extent that has not been seen since World War II. It is estimated that around 50% of the refugees are children under eighteen and many of them have ended up in Germany. The fact that many people leave their homes and become foreigners in new countries is also noticeable in literature. In recent years, an increasing number of books on this topic have been published, not least children’s books. This chapter considers how escape from war and the arrival situation are depicted in eight picture books published 2016-2017 in German. My focus is on whether the fact that the families have to escape to a foreign country is problematised in any way: How do the children (and their families) in the books deal with the new language and with communication? Are there any difficulties concerning identity and “otherness”? What expectations/reflections (such as whether or not they made the right decision) on the new life – if any – are being related? How does the stress affect them and their families? And do the stories about leaving home and arriving in a foreign place have entirely happy endings?


Author(s):  
Dragan Jovašević ◽  
Marina Simović

Both international and national criminal legislation, considers genocide as particularly severe and socially dangerous criminal offence (crime). It is the worst form of violation of the right to life and existence of entire human groups - national, racial, religious or ethnic. This is the crime of crimes and is considered to be the most severe crime of today. In the strict sense, this is an international crime which by giving orders or taking immediate actions fully or partially destroys an entire human group. Therefore, after the World War II, on the basis of international documents adopted within the framework of the organization of UN, all modern countries included genocide in their national legislations (basic or special) as the most severe crime threatened by the most severe types and measures of sanctions. A similar situation exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina as well. However, this crime is known to numerous international documents establishing primary jurisdiction of international (permanent or temporary - ad hoc) military or civilian courts.


1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann Louw ◽  
Julie Binedell ◽  
Welmoet Brimmer ◽  
Pindi Mabena ◽  
Annemarie Meyer ◽  
...  

Thirty-three journal articles reporting empirical findings published by South African psychologists before 1939 were examined to establish the dominant research models of the time. Danziger's study provided the initial impetus as well as methodological guidelines. Findings indicate that three models of research were present, but that one, the Galtonian form of experimentation, soon dominated the field. One possible explanation is to be found in the early involvement of South African psychologists in applied and practical matters. Thus an investigative practice which enabled psychologists to develop knowledge which was relevant to the needs of socially important markets, and still be acceptable as ‘scientific’ knowledge, had significant advantages over rival investigative practices.


Author(s):  
Davor Trlin

All European constitutions after World War II expressed their commitment to economic and social rights. Those countries that began building socialist social order after the war specially emphasized those rights. After the break-up of the “socialist paradigm” and the establishment of “new democracies”, constitutional leaders have taken a new stance towards the socio-economic group. This is the process that did not bypassed countries formed by dissolution of Yugoslavia. We will analyse specially what is left of the constitutional experiment of self-management. Nowadays, there is no workers’ participation in place in any of the countries that emerged after the breakup of the former Yugoslavia, neither as a system nor as a practice of having consultations within companies with the aim to address specific technological, organisational and social problems. There are several reasons for this, but the basic reason is that politicians still believe that workers’ participation was created as part of the ideological apparatus of the former socialist system. By way of property rights and small shareholding, the laws opened the way to participation, and the legal framework could continue to develop.


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