scholarly journals Accountability of Law Enforcement Personnel for Human Rights Violations in Cameroon: Trends and Challenges

Author(s):  
Avitus Agbor

Law enforcement personnel are critically important in both the security and criminal justice sectors. Unlike ordinary citizens, they possess the broad powers needed to perform the tasks in these sectors: for example, they possess the power to arrest and detain; to search premises and seize items; to interrogate individuals; to stop assemblies; to check and even to restrict the movements of people during certain times; and to use force and firearms in specific circumstances. In exercising such powers, they are required to act independently and judiciously. Also, they must stay within the remit of the law. Such powers, however, render them prone to committing human rights abuses since by their very nature, they interfere with the civil and political rights of individuals. In instances of violations they are expected to be held accountable. Accountability for law enforcement for human rights violations evokes and entails the notions of lawfulness and legitimacy. As legitimacy touches on the public perception of law enforcement personnel, it becomes vital to explore what mechanisms are put in place to ensure accountability as well as possible challenges that hamper it. Examining the notion of the accountability of law enforcement personnel in the context of Cameroon, this paper argues that selective accountability has been the trend which puts the country at quite a distance from its international human rights obligations. Informed by empirical evidence from credible governmental bodies, the paper identifies and assesses the legal framework on accountability, touching on a few instances of selective accountability, and argues that if lawfulness and legitimacy are to be the cornerstones of accountability, then a comprehensive approach must be considered, including the de-politicisation of law enforcement units in Cameroon.

Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri

Given the systematic threats facing humanity, there is an urgent need for new thinking about the human rights project. The most prevalent form of global abuse exists in the form of violence against women and children. Sexual violence has been considered the most pervasive, yet least recognized human rights, abuse in the world. Equally prevalent among the modern sources of threats to physical integrity rights are the pervasive practice of torture and the issue of poverty and the threats it poses to human dignity and human rights. Individual civil-political rights and the rights of minorities, including women, ethnic and religious minorities, and indigenous people have been protected at times and violated at other times by states. Moreover, some observers argue that group rights should be properly understood as an extension of the already recognized collective rights to self-determination of people. But this broad spectrum of human rights violations can be organized into two categories: domestic and international. The domestic sources include both local and national sources of human rights abuses, and international sources entail international and global dimensions. These analyses are interconnected and reinforcing, but they can be contradictory at times. Understanding such complex interrelations is a necessary condition for describing factors and processes leading to abuses. In an applied sense, this understanding is essential for suggesting how we should proceed with the protection of basic human rights. Although there is agreement on the most pressing problems of human suffering, there is no consensus over the answers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Azadeh Dastyari

Michaela Banerji was a Commonwealth public servant when she was fired for sending up to 9000 messages on the public platform twitter criticising her employer; Australia’s human rights record; politicians; and public servants. The tweets did not disclose Ms Banerji’s name or occupation and all (except for one) tweet was sent in Ms Banerji’s private time. In 2019, the High Court confirmed that Ms Banerji’s tweets were not protected by the implied freedom of political communication in the Australian Constitution. Ms Banerji is not alone in having her ability to communicate her political views limited by her employment with the Australian public service. All Commonwealth public servants are bound by a legal framework that curtails their ability to criticise government policies. This article argues that the current regime restricting political communication by public servants in Australia is excessive and is not consistent with Australia’s international obligations under article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 175-179
Author(s):  
Nуkolуna K. V.

The article is devoted to determining the place of legal doctrine in the system of sources of law and substantiating its importance in the process of protection of human rights as a legitimate basis for legal argumentation. An analysis of current scientific research suggests that today there is no single unified perception of the category of legal doctrine among both legal theorists and law enforcers. The author points out a number of conflicting points that need to be finally resolved. In particular, there is no understanding from which point an idea, concept or view of law can be considered doctrinal. In this case, it is possible to use the experience of Western jurisprudence, which uses a variety of citation indices, which indirectly testifies to the authority of one or another scientific source, as well as informal lists of authoritative among judges of books of lawyers. Also open today is the question of securing binding reference to a specific scientific source by law enforcement entities in the process of reasoning of the decision. According to the author, the doctrine is a source of law in every case where law-makers or law-makers use scientific concepts, ideas, views when making legally significant decisions. The Constitution of Ukraine in Art. 129 by declaring that "the judge is independent and governed by the rule of law", in fact, enshrined the obligation to apply legal doctrine in the law enforcement process. In making its decision, a judge, when substantiating a certain legal position, has the right to refer not only to national legislation, but also to use the results of scientific papers, the findings of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, etc. At the same time, the problem of recognizing the legitimacy of decisions based on doctrinal approaches is important. Based on the thesis that law is a product of society, an expression of the public perception of justice, then the public will itself will be the primary source of law. No matter which of the official forms of law prevails in a particular legal system, it must be legitimized (recognized) by society, and therefore endowed with a high degree of authority. When analyzing a legal rule, it is necessary to distinguish its textual expression and its actual content. Legal doctrine, as a more dynamic phenomenon than official legal regulation, is able to formulate algorithms for finding the actual content of a rule of law in the context of its application. Given the tendencies in the evolution of legal regulation in the direction of deformation and decentralization, the phenomenon of legal doctrine can be explained using a differentiated approach to sources of law, distinguishing between "hard law" and "soft law" (soft law). By analogy, legal doctrine can be considered as an informal authoritative source of law, which is the intellectual basis of legal thinking and argumentation, formed within the jurisprudence and represents a set of scientifically sound ideas, concepts, views, which formulate effective models and standards for solving current problems of legal practice. Keywords: legal doctrine, human rights, sources of law, legal argumentation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-136
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Limańska

The principle of legalism places upon the public prosecutor the obligation o pressing charges to a court of law and then to support this claim in the course of the lawsuit. It seems obvious that in order to execute this duty in an appropriate manner, the public prosecutor should attend the trial and actively participate in it. However, in regulation Art. 46 §2 k.p.k., which was introduced by way of an amendment issued on 11 March 2016, the legislator stipulated a regulation which permits the public prosecutor not to appear during the trial, if the preliminary legal proceedings concluded in the form of investigation. Obviously, the task of this regulation is to accelerate the proceedings in cases of lesser calibre, which are cases in which an investigation is conducted. However, it is necessary to consider the aforementioned regulation in the context of the basic principles of a criminal lawsuit and the analysis of the consequences of such regulations. Therefore, in the first instance one made reference to the most important regulations contained in the basis acts of international law, i.e. the European Convention of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which emphasise above all the significance of independence and impartiality, as well as the principle of a quick and efficient operation of the procedure. It was also necessary to refer the substantive regulation to the principle of the contradictoriness of the criminal lawsuit, which stipulates inter alia the separation of lawsuit-related roles and the passivity of the court in reference to the initiative of the parties who argue their cases.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-52
Author(s):  
Marthin Fransisco Manihuruk

This study discusses the influence of law enforcement with the paradigm of Pancasila in addressing the action of the funeral of the dead bodies exposed to Covid-19. Rejection of the funeral of the body of the victim Covid-19 is contrary to the perspective of the law and also Pancasila. Law No. 4 of 1984 on the infectious disease outbreak clearly said that the act of disrupting the plague prevention efforts was contrary to the law and imposed criminal sanctions. While from the perspective of Pancasila, it can be seen that the funeral rejection Act Covid – 19, including into acts contrary to the values of Pancasila. Apart from being an ideology of state, Pancasila is also the source of any source of law of the country as listed in article 2 of the Law number 12 year 2011 concerning the establishment of legislation. The disapproval of the funeral of the Covid-19 bodies is contrary to the law and human rights as contained in Indonesia's legislation as in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The influence of law enforcement is certainly a very important factor in the enforcement and strengthening of values that correspond to the paradigm of PancasilaBAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRACT: Penelitian ini membahas tentang Pengaruh Penegakan Hukum dengan Paradigma Pancasila dalam menyikapi tindak penolakan Pemakaman Jenazah yang terpapar Covid -19. Tindakan penolakan Pemakaman jenazah dari korban Covid - 19 merupakan hal yang bertentangan dari perspektif hukum dan juga Pancasila. Undang-undang Nomor 4 tahun 1984 tentang Wabah Penyakit Menular jelas mengatakan bahwa tindakan yang mengganggu upaya penanggulangan wabah adalah bertentangan dengan hukum dan dikenakan sanksi Pidana. Sedangkan dari perspektif  Pancasila dapat dilihat bahwa Tindakan Penolakan Pemakaman Jenazah Covid – 19, termasuk ke dalam perbuatan yang bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai Pancasila. Selain sebagai Ideologi negara, Pancasila juga merupakan sumber dari segala sumber Hukum negara seperti yang tercantum di dalam pasal 2 Undang-undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2011 tentang Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-undangan. Tindakan penolakan pemakaman jenazah Covid -19 merupakan perbuatan yang bertentangan dengan Hukum dan Hak Asasi manusia sebagaimana yang terdapat di dalam Peraturan Perundang-undangan di Indonesia seperti di dalam Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia, Kovenan Internasional Hak-hak Sipil dan Politik. Pengaruh penegakan Hukum tentunya menjadi faktor yang sangat penting dalam penegakan dan penguatan kembali nilai-nilai yang sesuai dengan paradigma Pancasila.


Author(s):  
Zulfirman Zulfirman

Pasal 11 Kovenan Internasional Hak Sipil dan Hak Politik mewajibkan negara untuk menghormati, melindungi dan menegakkan hubungan kontraktual sebagai hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Bagaimana kebijakan negara melindungi, menghormati dan menegakan hubungan kontraktual sebagai hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan data sekunder terdiri dari bahan hukum primer, bahan hukum sekunder dan bahan hukum tertier. Data diperoleh melalui studi kepustakaan. Penelitian melalui pendekatan filosifis yuridis normatif. Data dianalisis secara kualitatif dengan metode penafsiran untuk menemukan nilai dasar atas hubungan kontraktual sebagai hak sipil bagian dari hak asasi manusia di Indonesia yang dijadikan dasar dalam penegakan hukum. Hubungan kontraktual sebagai hak sipil sudah diatur dalam Kitab Undang Undang Hukum Perdata sebelum diratifikasinya kovenan Internasional hak sipil dan hak politik. Negara Indonesia tidak konsekuen melaksanakan kovenan internasional hak sipil dan hak politik dengan memberi sanksi pidana kepada pelaku yang tidak memenuhi kewajiban kontraktualnya. Perlu dilakukan reposisi peran dan fungsi negara untuk perlindungan hak sipil sebagai kebijakan politik dalam pembentukan hukum dan penegakan hukum di masa datang.<p>Article 11 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights requires states to respect, protect and enforce contractual relations as human rights in Indonesia. How state policy to protect, respect and uphold the contractual relationship as human rights in Indonesia. This study uses secondary data consists of primary legal materials,secondary and tertiary legal materials. The data obtained through the study of literature. Research through juridical normative and philosophical approach. Data were analyzed qualitatively by using interpretative method to find the value of the basic civil rights of a contractual relationship as part of human rights in Indonesia were used as a basis for law enforcement. Contractual relationship as a civil rights set out in the draft of Civil Code before the ratification of the International Covenant on civil and political rights. Indonesian state does not consistently implement the international covenant of civil rights and political rights proved to sanction the perpetrators who did not fulfill its contractual obligations. Necessary to reposition the role and function of the state for the protection of civil rights as a political policy formation and law enforcement in the future.</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-139
Author(s):  
Tine Destrooper

When studying accountability for human rights violations in Cambodia, it is crucial to understand the role human rights non-governmental organisations (ngos) can play in holding duty-bearers accountable. This article consists of two parts. The first traces how some prominent Cambodian ngos use the language of human rights and which issues they prioritise. The analysis shows that issues related to civil and political rights dominate their discourse, while there is remarkably little attention to issues relating to economic, social and cultural rights. This prioritisation is not rooted in popular priorities, nor can it be adequately explained by referring to mainstream theories of donor influence or professionalised elites. To better understand where these priorities come from, the second part of the article examines the Cambodian transitional justice process. This analysis shows a significant overlap between the priorities of the selected ngos and those of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (eccc). It is therefore argued that transitional justice mechanisms, like the eccc, may have an agenda-setting power far beyond what is commonly assumed. In this specific case, this influence raises questions about accountability for past and on-going violations of economic, social and cultural rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Olusola Babatunde Adegbite

AbstractThe major objective of this Article is to examine the extent to which the accountability mechanism under international law is sensitive, and responsive to the challenges of accessing domestic remedies by victims of human rights violations in Nigeria’s counterinsurgency against Boko Haram. It explores the extent to which the current framework has enabled and facilitated efforts of victims in this wise especially those of poor, weak and defenceless victims. In this article, we make a case that the inability of international law under the auspices of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to bring the perpetrators of heinous abuses in the counterinsurgency operations to book, is as a result of the deficiency in the complaint procedure, which is largely state-centred and a gap in the current framework. This article therefore proposes the view that remedies for victims in this conflict can be better realised, not just by viewing them as obligations that States are encouraged to fulfil within the confines of their sovereign status, but more importantly by crafting them within a framework of supranational legitimacy in which States can indeed be held accountable and compelled to meet their obligations. Keywords: Accountability, Human Rights, Boko Haram, Counterinsurgency, Optional Protocol.   AbstrakTujuan utama dari artikel ini adalah untuk mengkaji sejauh mana mekanisme pertanggungjawaban dalam hukum pidana internasional dapat mengakomodasi tantangan dalam mengakses sistem kompensasi domestik bagi korban pelanggaran HAM dalam konflik pemberontakan Boko Haram di Nigeria. Tulisan ini menyelidiki bagaimana kerangka kerja yang ada saat ini memberikan ruang dan memfasilitasi korban dalam aspek tersebut, terutama mereka yang miskin dan rentan. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa ketidakmampuan hukum internasional untuk membawa para pelaku kejahatan HAM berat dalam pemberontakan tersebut untuk bertanggung jawab atas kejahatan mereka terhadap korban adalah hasil dari kecacatan dalam prosedur pengaduan hukum pidana internasional, yang memang terfokus pada negara dan kurang mengakomodasi jenis-jenis konflik modern. Maka dari itu, tulisan ini mengusulkan perspektif dimana kompensasi kepada korban dari konflik pemberontakan ini dapat direalisasikan dengan lebih baik, dengan cara memasukkan pertanggungjawaban ini ke dalam legitimasi supranasional sehingga negara dapat dimintai pertanggungjawaban dan diwajibkan untuk memenuhi kewajiban mereka. Kata Kunci: Pertanggungjawaban, Hak Asasi Manusia, Boko Haram, Pemberontakan, Protokol Pilihan


Author(s):  
Yogesh Tyagi

The golden jubilee of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) coincides with the emergence of Asia as a centre of global attention. However, greater attention to Asia has been accompanied by some scepticism over its attitude towards human rights. The chapter provides an overall assessment of the impact of the ICCPR on the major Asian States, with an analysis of the factors affecting such influence. The chapter considers the involvement in, observance of, and compliance with the provisions of the ICCPR by these States. It further delves into the academic and judicial discourse on the ICCPR within these States, recording the domestic disposition towards judgments of foreign courts, the output of the Human Rights Committee, and the work of other international human rights bodies. It makes suggestions for developing mechanisms to improve the effectiveness of the ICCPR and for creating databases to perform further research in the area.


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