Review

1942 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-65

It is seldom that a reviewer is privileged to point out to readers a book which has wisdom, experience, common sense, practicality, scholarship, and imagination all at once. To come upon such a book devoted to Latin America at this crucial turn in our relationships with her and to be able to recognize the book as a complete and accurate manual of economic, social, and anthropological conditions in each Latin American country is indeed to make a find. Perhaps it was not unexpected that it should be so. Professor James is a distinguished geographer who has devoted more than twenty years of study and travel to our southern neighbors. He is foremost among the geographers who know their subject to be as much social science ("human geography") as natural science. He has always been willing and able to turn to any source, academic or local, which will explain why and how people fit the surface of the earth. He has long explored the reasons for the failure of frontier expansion and population growth in Latin America and has gone far to find those reasons. But it is still nonetheless heartening to find the result up to expectations. There has been a myth current for many years that the Germans have an Institut für Geopolitik in which complete information is to be found on likely foreign areas. Whether or not the myth is true as to Germans, Professor James' Latin America could offer a model for any such effort. No Norteamericano diplomat, businessman, soldier, scholar, Indianist, traveler, who needs to learn of the conditions of life the other Americans have met and still meet can afford to miss it.

2019 ◽  
pp. 114-135
Author(s):  
David Brydan

Social experts played an important but contested role in Francoist attempts to establish Spain as an influential power in Latin America during the 1940s and 1950s. By encouraging Spanish experts to form ties with their Latin American colleagues, the Franco regime aimed to promote an image of itself as modern, scientific, and technically advanced on the one hand, and as socially progressive on the other. Despite the significant resources dedicated to this task, the Francoist narrative was strongly resisted both by Latin American leftists and by exiled Republican social experts who promoted a more collaborative model of Ibero-American identity. Nevertheless, Latin America did offer a route through which Francoist experts were able to engage with wider forms of international health and welfare. In areas such as social security, it also provided an opportunity for the regime to promote its vision of Francoist modernity to the outside world.


1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 353-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Grugel ◽  
Monica Quijada

In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.


1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arpad Von Lazar ◽  
Michele McNabb

Latin American societies and economies are. in a world of change and transition. The past decade, from 1973 to the present, has been for them an era of anxiety on the one hand and of opportunity on the other, a paradoxical era in which prospects for development had to compete with the high social costs of stagnation in many instances.Energy was the catchword, and the name of energy was oil. Its price, its availability, and its promise (a road to riches for those fortunate enough to possess it, a threat of increasing poverty for those unfortunate enough to have to buy it) brought turmoil to the economies, and the bodies politic, of Latin America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Chikashi Tsuji

This study empirically examines the return transmission effects between the four North and Latin American stock markets in the US, Canada, Brazil, and Mexico. More specifically, applying a standard vector autoregression (VAR) model, we obtain the following interesting findings. First, (1) the return transmission effects between the four North and Latin American stock markets became much tighter in our second subsample period. Second, (2) in particular, US and Mexican stock markets are strong return transmitters in the recent period. Furthermore, (3) both in our first and second subsample periods, Brazilian stock returns do not transmit to the other three stock returns, although the other three North and Latin American stock markets affect the Brazilian stock market.


1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benny Pollack

It is common knowledge that, prior to the military coup of 1973, Chile was the only Latin American country to have strong workers' political parties of the European type. Many reasons have been given for this phenomenon, but it is clear that Chile has been the only country in Latin-America to allow the development of Marxist parties with strong appeal and a strong following, within the framework of what could be called liberal, democratic processes. Up to 1970, the electoral force of the Socialist and Communist Parties in Chile oscillated between 20 and 30 per cent of the total national electorate. This rose to more than 40 per cent during 1975.


1959 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Kantor

The election of Rómulo Betancourt as constitutional President of Venezuela for the 1959-1964 term marks a turning point in that country's political evolution and a high point in the tide of reform now sweeping Latin American toward stable constitutional government. The new president of Venezuela and the party he leads, Acción Democrática, represent the same type of reformist movement as those now flourishing in many other countries of Latin America. As a result, dictatorship in the spring of 1959 is confined to the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Paraguay. The situation in Haiti is unclear, but in the other sixteen republics the governments are controlled by parties and leaders which are to a greater or lesser degree trying to get away from the past and seem to have the support of their populations in their efforts. This marks a great change from most of the past history of the Latin American Republics in which the population was ruled by dictatorial cliques dedicated to the preservation of a status quo which meant the perpetuation of poverty and backwardness for most of the Latin Americans.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (03) ◽  
pp. 682-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bob Switky

ABSTRACTThe humanitarian impulse in the United States routinely clashes with isolationist sentiment, with appeals to the national interest, and with apathy in and out of government. This class exercise encourages students to explore the contours of the debate over humanitarian intervention with a crisis unfolding in Belagua, a fictitious Latin American country. As the crisis deteriorates, students increasingly feel the tension between wanting to help the at-risk civilian population and avoiding a messy conflict from which the United States could have trouble extracting itself. The project requires students to address key questions about the US role in the Belagua case and to consider what the United States could or should have done in actual situations, such as Rwanda and Syria. Because these crises are likely to occur in the decades to come, this exercise initiates students to the challenges that the United States, as well as the international community, undoubtedly will face.


1997 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Augusto Oyuela-Caycedo ◽  
Armando Anaya ◽  
Carlos G. Elera ◽  
Lidio M. Valdez

The published paper by Patterson (1994) gives the impression that Latin American archaeology has a significant orientation toward social archaeology. We present evidence, however, that indicates the restricted nature of social archaeology in time (1970s and early 1980s) and space (Cuba, Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela). Social archaeology developed only in a political context where the model pursued by the state was sympathetic to marxist ideology during a specific historical period. Further, at the academic level, social archaeology gradually lost appeal to students in those countries where it developed because of the politicization of the archaeological discourse at universities and the lack of a relationship between practice and theory (epistemological theory). The practical aspects of social archaeology have never passed beyond those of cultural history produced under the schema of a national state archaeology. Consideration of the realities under which archaeology developed in each Latin American country leads to a broader understanding of the context in which social archaeology exists in Latin America today.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (823) ◽  
pp. 81-84
Author(s):  
Matt Ferchen

Two new books about the China–Latin America relationship reach different conclusions about the implications of growing trade ties for Latin American development. One author argues that countries in the region have had varying success in taking advantage of opportunities created by increasing Chinese engagement, while the other sees old patterns of dependency in the exchange of raw commodities for Chinese manufactured goods.


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