Technological Change: Some Effects on Three Canadian Fishing Villages

1952 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Richardson

There are two small islands off the east coast of Canada whose inhabitants make a livelihood by traditional fishing techniques. Since World War II they have been greatly disturbed by the encroachment of American and Canadian draggers onto the local fishing grounds. These draggers are motor-driven boats 60 to 90 feet in length which fish with a large bag-like net that is towed along the sea bed. At about the same time the draggers appeared off the islands the fish catches of the local fishermen began to decline, the cost of fishing equipment to rise, and the price of fish to fall.

1980 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 842-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Saraydar

In a recent paper in this Journal, James Millar and Susan Linz seek “to determine the reasonableness of the Soviet claim that World War II cost the Soviet economy two Five-Year Plans.” They argue that Soviet direct estimates of non-human war cost (capital loss plus direct war outlays plus wartime loss of national income), made by a postwar Extraordinary Commission, imply a cost per employed member of the 1940 population of 7.4 years' earnings. Their own indirect approximation of war cost—based on a construct which incorporates estimates of prewar and wartime propensities to consume and invest, a 30 percent capital loss claimed by the Soviets, and an assumed capital-output ratio of 3—is 3.9 years' earnings. After hypothesizing various values for their parameters, they conclude that “[t]he popular Soviet claim that World War II cost ‘two Five-Year Plans’ is, therefore, above the upper limit [6.0 years' earnings] of the range of the total war cost estimates calculated using Soviet national income data.”2 The implication is that their results cast significant doubt on “the reasonableness” of Soviet claims of war cost. This paper will demonstrate that if the Soviet direct estimate of war cost is properly expressed in Sovietmeasured 1940 consumption years, Millar-Linz's perceived divergence between the Soviet direct and their indirect estimate of war cost disappears.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-52
Author(s):  
Adrian Grama

This article explores the relationship between the development of labor law and the cost of labor in Romania between the end of World War I and the 1960s. Drawing on a variety of archival and printed sources, the author argues that the historical trajectory of this peripheral East European country shows in exemplary fashion how the increasing juridification of labor relations was first enabled by policy makers’ concern to neutralize class conflict during the 1920s and then propelled by the collapse of industrial wages and the turn to import substitution in the aftermath of the Great Depression. The state socialist regime after 1945, the author further contends, inherited not merely the cheap labor of the interwar epoch but also the institutional mechanisms for controlling prices and wages set up to manage the economy during World War II, all of which facilitated the expansion of socialist labor law during the first two postwar decades. By the second half of the twentieth century, rapidly industrializing socialist Romania could thus integrate an expanding workforce into a type of employment relationship normally deemed standard: full-time, stable, dependent, and socially protected work. The author concludes by pointing out some of the implications of this Eastern European case study for how we might rethink the twin issues of the cost of labor and the transformation of labor law in our age of precarity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 218-260
Author(s):  
Barbara Biasi ◽  
Petra Moser

Copyrights, which establish intellectual property in music, science, and other creative goods, are intended to encourage creativity. Yet, copyrights also raise the cost of accessing existing work—potentially discouraging future innovation. This paper uses an exogenous shift toward weak copyrights (and low access costs) during World War II to examine the potentially adverse effects of copyrights on science. Using two alternative identification strategies, we show that weaker copyrights encouraged the creation of follow-on science, measured by citations. This change is driven by a reduction in access costs, allowing scientists at less affluent institutions to use existing knowledge in new follow-on research. (JEL I23, K11, L82, N42, O34, Z11)


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Schliesser

Abstract This paper argues that history of economics has a fruitful, underappreciated role to play in the development of economics, especially when understood as a policy science. This goes against the grain of the last half century during which economics, which has undergone a formal revolution, has distanced itself from its ‘literary’ past and practices precisely with the aim to be a more successful policy science. The paper motivates the thesis by identifying and distinguishing four kinds of reflexivity in economics. The main thesis of this paper is that because these forms of reflexivity are not eliminable, the history of economics must play a constitutive role in economics (and graduate education within economics). An assumption that I clarify in this paper is that the history of economics ought to be part of the subject matter studied by economics when they are interested in policy science. Even if one does not accept the conclusion, the fourfold classification of reflexivity might hold independent interest. The paper is divided in two parts. First, by reflecting on the writings of George Stigler, Paul Samuelson, George and Milton Friedman, I offer a stylized historical introduction to and conceptualization of the themes of this paper. In particular, I identify various historically influential arguments and strategies that reduced the role of history of economics within the economics discipline. In it I also canvass six arguments that try to capture the cost to economics (understood as a science) for sidelining the history of economics from within the discipline. A sub-text of the introduction is that for contingent reasons, post World War II economics evolved into a policy science. Second, by drawing on the work of Kenneth Boulding, in particular, George Soros, Thomas Merton, Gordon Tullock, I distinguish between four species of reflexivity. These are used to then strengthen the argument for the constitutive role of the history of economics within the economics profession. In particular, I argue that so-called Kuhn-losses are especially pernicious when faced with policy choices under so-called Knightian uncertainty.


1978 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 959-962 ◽  
Author(s):  
James R. Millar ◽  
Susan J. Linz

Although the total real cost of World War II to the Soviet people has yet to be fully tallied, there can be little doubt that it exceeds that of any other major participant, per capita as well as absolutely. The objective of this paper is to compare and evaluate the real war costs reported by the Soviets with those implied by Soviet pronouncements and those using Soviet national income data. Our purpose is to determine the reasonableness of the Soviet claim that World War II cost the Soviet economy two Five-Year Plans.


2021 ◽  
pp. 202-225
Author(s):  
Элеонора Георгиевна Шестакова ◽  

The article discusses the main mechanisms of memory culture manipulation, observed in the Donetsk mass media from March to August 2014. The problem of the culture of remembrance is considered by the author in connection with the concepts and phenomena that are currently of interest to the European and American humanities, such as the memory industry, memory debt, memory abuse, oblivion traps, the cult of heroes and victims, memory as a drug social. The work also takes into account the relationship between the culture of memory and the term mediapolis, which is relatively new in the theory of mass communication. The review of the press material in the magazines „Donetskije novosti” („Донецкие новости”) and „Munitsipalnaja gazeta” („Муниципальная газета”) – publications, which have been creating various media, technical and various mechanisms for almost 20 years, indicate models of the memory industry for the formation of moods, views and behavior of recipients. By referring to the events of World War II, the fascist occupation of Donbas, as well as the Soviet episode in the history of the region, these titles do not show the horror, tragedy, and complexity of this period, but build the cult of the „glorious past”, its heroes and triumphs. This takes place at the cost of marginalizing the memory of the victims, war veterans, tragedies and social and personal losses, or a geopolitical catastrophe, leading to an increase in over-glaring patriotic feelings among readers. This, in turn, contributed to the intensification of social chaos and the need for military confrontation, and, as a result, abandoning the idea of a peaceful solution to the conflict in Donbas.


Author(s):  
Petya Dimitrova ◽  

The research is devoted to the perception of the contemporary Bulgarian society of the «dual liberation» thesis, i.e. the assertion that Russia, after liberating Bulgaria from the Turkish rule in 1878, also liberated her from the German Nazis in 1944. The review of the historians’ disputes and of the heated debates in public space is concentrated around the second liberation and is connected with the analysis of several issues. First, the declaration of war by the Soviet Union on Bulgaria, which led to the inclusion of Moscow in the peace talks of the Western forces with Sofia and the conclusion of armistice, according to which the Central Control Commission under the leadership of the Soviet High Command was established and the country was put under an occupation regime. Second, the cost for the Bulgarians to maintain Soviet occupation troops is also estimated. And finally, it is considered what fate of the Soviet army monuments built in different locations in Bulgaria during the period 1944–1989 should expect.


2021 ◽  
pp. 370-388
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo

The conclusion traces the ways that racist boundaries waxed and waned in the final stages of World War II military service and addresses the larger impact that these boundaries had on American troops, the American military, and the nation. In the end, black-white lines, if blurred some, still defined many troops’ last days in uniform. White-nonwhite lines also appeared here and there, but still lacked the same institutionalization, reach, and force. And this broader complex of lines fundamentally shaped postwar America in numerous, complicated, and too often forgotten ways. They politicized a varied and substantial group of veterans, who returned home prepared and determined to democratize the military and the nation. But the cost of these lines was enormous. They impeded America’s war effort, undermined the nation’s Four Freedoms rhetoric, traumatized, even killed, an unknowable number of nonwhite troops, further naturalized the very concept of race, deepened many whites’ investments in white supremacy, especially anti-black racism, and further fractured the American people and their politics.


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