A Dissonant Education: Marching Bands and Indigenous Musical Traditions at Sherman Institute, 1901–1940

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-58
Author(s):  
Vincent Veerbeek

At the end of the nineteenth century, the US government established a system of off-reservation boarding schools in an effort to assimilate Indigenous youth into the American nation-state. Music emerged as one of the most enduring strategies that these schools employed to reshape the cultural sensibilities of young Native Americans. A lively music culture could be found, for instance, at Sherman Institute in Riverside, California, which was home to a marching band and dozens of other music groups throughout its history. Although school officials created these institutions for the purposes of assimilation and cultural genocide, this music program often had a more ambiguous place in the lives of students. To understand the role of music within Sherman Institute during the early twentieth century, this article examines the school’s marching band and the place of Indigenous cultural expression. While the school had students march to the beat of civilization, young Native Americans found various strategies to combat assimilation using the same instruments. At the same time, they also used the cultures of their communities to navigate life in an environment that the government created to destroy those very cultures.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-168
Author(s):  
Hyojung Cho ◽  
Ernest Gendron

Federal historic preservation is an important way to provide public recognition and to promote heritage that was selected by the government for the nation. The history of (American) Indian policies shows an arduous relationship between the US government and American Indians. In spite of the evolution of federal preservation efforts and the federal government’s public heritage communication, Indian heritage sites still reflect the authoritarian and utilitarian understanding towards the Indian heritage. This research studies the US federal government’s understanding of Indian Wars sites through the analysis of interpretation at the Washita Battlefield National Historic Site, which reveals the historically dual approaches towards Indian heritage conservation and the persistent tendency of limited under-standing for American history in the larger social and political arenas despite policy improvement. American Indian battlefields have been neglected in orthodox preservation considering their insufficient value to qualify for patriotic military history preservation or Indian relics preservation. The analysis of preservation efforts and interpretation of Indian Wars sites indicates the evolution of controlling (American) Indian heritage through policy changes and the assessment of policy implementation.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Palmer ◽  
Mahendra Gupta ◽  
James Brandt

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine plastic and virtual purchasing card use by US Government agencies, with particular focus on how successful implementation might inform governmental entities of potential improvements in the cost, quality and time associated with the digitization of their procure-to-pay processes. Specifically, the paper will: analyze the evolution of card-based payments by US Government agencies, compare the value stream of plastic and virtual cards to governmental entities, analyze the value of card use as a significant and sustainable contributor to greater governmental efficiency and examine the opportunity in the portability of successful card technology implementation strategy. Design/methodology/approach The authors examined data published by the US federal government relating to agency budgets and commercial card use and combining it with industry performance metrics, projected potential savings and efficiencies for the government and its agencies. Findings The US Government acknowledges significant administrative cost savings and cash rebates based on its spending on commercial cards. An analysis of US Government spending indicates that changing patterns of card spending are primarily driven by activities of one agency – the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). Through the incorporation of advances in card technology, escalation of transaction amounts and leveraging card spending data transparency, the VA has continued to increase its use of and benefit from card technology, while other agencies have languished. By replication of VA strategy, the US Government at large has the potential for billions in card-related savings. Research limitations/implications The study implies that a large swathe of governmental agencies, after having adopted new technology (e.g. purchasing cards), are hesitant to use the new technology, a problem that afflicts most implementation efforts. Countermeasures to offset agency resistance to change should be considered and deployed. Practical implications Taxpayers demand much of government. The burden of governmental failure to exploit the benefits of innovation (such as card technology) falls on the shoulders of taxpayers. When the government cannot exploit technologies that are commonly used in the private sector, the failure lowers citizen respect for the capability of government employees and the ability of government writ large to solve problems. Social implications Governmental failure to exploit the benefits of technology dispirits the citizenry, yielding a desire for change that may be disproportionate to the problem at hand. Originality/value The study combines General Services Administration, US Treasury and market data points to make a unique assessment of the benefits derived through 20 years of governmental commercial card use.


2008 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Tyrrell

The article compares attitudes towards and laws regulating the use of alcohol and opium in the United States (US) colonial possession of the Philippines. Forces within the United States and missionary groups in the field in the Philippines fought to have the supply of alcohol to American troops restricted by abolition of the military canteen system, and to eliminate use of alcohol among the indigenous population. To achieve these aims, they developed highly skilled networks of political lobbying led by Wilbur Craft's International Reform Bureau. Temperance, church and missionary groups differed among themselves over the relative seriousness of the two drugs’ impact in the Philippines, but skillfully adapted their tactics in the light of experience in the colony to focus on opium. They developed a tacit coalition with the US government, using the Philippines opium policy to distinguish the United States as a morally superior colonial ruler. By lobbying the government to oppose opium use in the East Asia region, they served to promote an American regional hegemony, and provided an important departure point for modern US drug poalicies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-36
Author(s):  
Victoria Phillips

“When they sensed internal mayhem / They sent out Martha Graham / That’s what we call cultural exchange,” wrote Dave and Iola Brubeck with Louis Armstrong for the opera The Real Ambassadors. Graham disavowed political attachments: indeed, understanding what she said she was not is often a way to understand Graham as an actor in US diplomatic history. Allegedly not political, she also disavowed herself as a modernist, feminist, and American missionary. Rather than proving that she was what she said she was not, the introduction outlines the methodology to understand why Graham made these pronouncements while touring for the US government during the Cold War. While Graham initially was a part of the targeting of the elite in “trickle-down diplomacy,” over time she grew older and modernism ossified, just as the government sought to target the youth. In response, Graham posed for pictures that billed her as “Forever Modern,” with dances that were “Too Sexy for Export?” featuring a troupe of young, technically brilliant dancers to represent the United States. Graham passed away in 1991, the same year as the official Cold War end.


2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (04) ◽  
pp. 573-578
Author(s):  
Joyce E. Berg ◽  
Christopher E. Penney ◽  
Thomas A. Rietz

ABSTRACTUsing the Iowa Electronic Markets (IEM), this article assesses the political impact of several important events during the fall of 2013: the US government shutdown, the Senate elimination of filibusters for presidential nominations (i.e., the “nuclear option”), and the implementation of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (i.e., ObamaCare). Did these events have meaningful effects on congressional control prospects in the 2014 election? According to IEM price changes, Republican chances fell dramatically when the government shut down, and they did not recover on resolution. Eliminating filibusters had a negative impact on Democratic chances. Various aspects of the ObamaCare rollout and reporting, as well as new announcements that incumbents would not run for reelection, had little effect. In contrast, the budget resolution reinforced the status quo. Overall, political rhetoric does not appear to affect congressional control prospects. Instead, actions matter: deliberate partisan actions of Congress adversely affect the initiating party’s prospects, whereas bipartisan initiatives help the party that initiates the bipartisan effort.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 175-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas W. Elmendorf ◽  
Louise M. Sheiner

Some observers have argued that the projections for high and rising debt pose a grave threat to the country's economic future and give the government has less fiscal space to respond to recessions or other unexpected developments, so they urge significant changes in tax or spending policies to reduce federal borrowing. In stark contrast, others have noted that interest rates on long-term federal debt are extremely low and have argued that such persistently low interest rates justify additional federal borrowing and investment, at least for the short and medium term. We analyze this controversy focusing on two main issues: the aging of the US population and interest rates on US government debt. It is generally understood that these factors play an important role in the projected path of the US debt-to-GDP ratio. What is less recognized is that these changes also have implications for the appropriate level of US debt. We argue that many—though not all— of the factors that may be contributing to the historically low level of interest rates imply that both federal debt and federal investment should be substantially larger than they would be otherwise. In conclusion, although significant policy changes to reduce federal budget deficits ultimately will be needed, they do not have to be implemented right away. Instead, the focus of federal budget policy over the coming decade should be to increase federal investment while enacting changes in federal spending and taxes that will reduce deficits gradually over time.


Author(s):  
J. Scott Carter ◽  
Cameron D. Lippard

This chapter discusses the ever-evolving role of race in politics in the history of the US. How the government handled racial and other discrimination has not always been effective. It was not until the 1960s that the US government attempted to make a concrete effort to minimize racial discrimination, which of course effected enrollment at elite US colleges and universities. This chapter then goes onto to discuss the deep ideological divide over affirmative action that exists in the country and provides public opinion data on where whites stand with the subject. This chapter demonstrates that indeed affirmative action is a controversial subject that receives little support from whites.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Muhamad Bayu Saputra

The purpose and goal of this research is to know what the response taken by the US government to Raul Castro, the changes in the foreign relations of both countries, presence idiosyncratic factors of Raul Castro to the foreign relations of both countries. The method used is descriptive analysis techniques. Most of the data collected through literature and website searches. These results indicate that the factor of idiosyncratic Raul Castro in changes in foreign relations between Cuba and the United States. The conclusion from this study is the change that occurs in the foreign relations between the two countries, the changes occurring in the country of Cuba after Raul became president of Cuba, as well as the response taken by the US government against the government of Raul Castro well with the reopening of diplomatic relations between both countries, and issued a foreign policy that is intended to drive the Cuban economy, the type of personality that is owned by Raul Castro based on idiosyncratic theory is influential


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Mercier

AbstractUS farmers and ranchers have actively pursued markets in foreign countries for their products since the 1970s. This priority was reflected by the US Congress in 1978 enacting the first set of laws establishing programs aimed at promoting US agricultural exports. In 1986, the US government initiated its first trade negotiations, with the government of Canada, with the express goal of liberalizing access in that market to all US food and agricultural exports. Since that time, the US government has completed free trade agreements with 20 countries, six in DR-CAFTA, 13 in bilateral agreements and adding Mexico to create NAFTA. The US government also devotes considerable resources to detecting and combatting unfair barriers to trade, through informal channels as well as through WTO dispute settlements. However, these tools primarily focus on capturing larger slices of existing markets. To generate better returns, we need to focus more energy on efforts to generate increased demand in developing countries, by helping their agricultural economies prosper. Once those economies are growing, the other tools can be utilized.


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