scholarly journals Macroeconomic Policy Changes and Its Impact on Trade Unions, an Empirical Study on OECD Countries for the Period 2001-2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 1575-1582
Author(s):  
Driton Qehaja ◽  
Genc Zhushi

This study examines the macroeconomic variables affecting trade union rate membership in OECD nations from 2001 to 2020. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has 38 of the most industrialized countries globally, which counts more than 80% of the global GDP; analyzing the macroeconomic movements of these countries means that we most likely know the variance of the global macroeconomic changes. We target the effect of employability, expenditure on education, unemployment, inflation, FDI, economic growth, wages, and salaries on trade union participation of employers. To conduct this research, we used data from World Bank, ILO, and OECD for 38 countries during the period 2001-2020, conducting a panel data Fixed Effect non-linear regression model with robust effect considering the non-normality and the possibility of heteroscedasticity of some of the variables. The results show that employers in the industry, the productivity in the service sector, and wages will increase the enrolment in a trade union, but on the other side, an increase of FDI and unemployment rates will decrease the association of employers to be in a trade union.

1977 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 26-37

The critical assumption for this forecast is that relating to pay policy when Stage Two expires in July. At the time of writing (early February), formal negotiations have not yet begun. Preliminary positions have, however, been taken up, and it seems clear that the gap between the hopes of the Government and the aims of the trade unions is much wider than at the comparable point in the Stage Two negotiations. Both the Labour Party conference and the Trade Union Congress last autumn passed motions which called for priority to be given, when Stage Two ended, to four factors in the next stage. These were the restoration of satisfactory differentials and the correction of anomalies and inequities, an emphasis on the improvement of the position of the low-paid, the consolidation of Stage One and Two increases into basic rates for the calculation of overtime, piece-work and shift payments, and provision for productivity agreements. Almost independently of the agreed basic norm, a liberal interpretation of these demands could lead to rises in average earnings in excess of 20 per cent. On the other hand, the majority of trade unionists seem to accept the need for continued restraint, though stressing that there is an imperative need for greater flexibility in Stage Three.


2006 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-436
Author(s):  
PIET KONINGS

In the literature on African trade unions during decolonization and in the immediate post-independence period, two schools of thought can be distinguished: one is pessimistic about the unions' economic and political roles, and the other is optimistic. This study attempts to assess the role of autonomous teachers' trade unions in Anglophone Cameroon during the period 1959–72. The emergence, development and dissolution of these unions appears to have closely followed the region's political and educational reforms. It is argued that two main issues formed a constant source of conflict between the government and these unions, namely the preservation of trade union autonomy, and union demands for a substantial improvement in members' conditions of service.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-430
Author(s):  
Francesco Bagnardi ◽  
Valentina Petrović

In this article we examine the episode of labour discontent that occurred at the Fiat-Chrysler assembly plant in Kragujevac, Serbia, in the summer of 2017. The article traces the process through which the two main trade unions organised and channelled labour unrest at the plant level. Drawing on Offe and Wiesenthal’s conceptualisation of workers’ collective action dilemma, the case highlights the trade-off between on the one hand the need for institutional legitimation and on the other hand responsiveness to workers’ demands. We attempt to show that unions still have space in which to represent workers’ interests effectively when disputes emerge, regardless of unfavourable structural constraints and legacies. The article shows that not even traditionally non-conflictual and legacy unions can be fully sheltered from democratic pressures from workers and competitor organisations. Therefore, the ability to mediate between democratic and bureaucratic logics of action and legitimation remains crucial for any union and determines unions’ ability to represent effectively the interests of labour. Dans cet article, les auteurs examinent l’épisode de mécontentement des travailleurs qui s’est produit à l’usine d’assemblage Fiat-Chrysler à Kragujevac, en Serbie, à l’été 2017. L’article retrace le processus par lequel les deux principaux syndicats ont organisé et canalisé les conflits de travail au niveau de l’usine. En se fondant sur la conceptualisation développée par Offe et Wiesenthal du choix de l’action collective des travailleurs, ce cas met en évidence le compromis entre, d’une part, le besoin de légitimation institutionnelle et, d’autre part, la capacité à répondre aux demandes des travailleurs. Les auteurs tentent de montrer que les syndicats disposent encore de l’espace nécessaire pour représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs lorsque des conflits surgissent, indépendamment des contraintes structurelles et de l’héritage défavorables qui leur ont été laissés. Cet article montre que même les syndicats traditionnellement non conflictuels et ceux issus du passé ne peuvent pas être totalement à l’abri des pressions démocratiques des travailleurs et des organisations concurrentes. Par conséquent, la capacité de médiation entre les logiques démocratiques et bureaucratiques de l’action et de la légitimation demeure primordiale pour tout syndicat et détermine la capacité des syndicats à représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs. Im vorliegenden Artikel untersuchen wir die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Belegschaft und der Unternehmensleitung im Fiat-Chrysler-Montagewerk in Kragujevac, Serbien im Sommer 2017. Der Artikel zeichnet nach, wie die beiden großen betrieblich vertretenen Gewerkschaften die Unzufriedenheit der Arbeitnehmer auf der Werksebene kanalisiert und organisiert haben. Unter Bezugnahme auf Offes und Wiesenthals Konzeptualisierung des Dilemmas des kollektiven Handelns von Arbeitnehmern ist dieser Fall symptomatisch für den Zielkonflikt zwischen der Notwendigkeit institutioneller Legitimation einerseits und dem Reaktionsvermögen auf Forderungen von Arbeitnehmern andererseits. Wir versuchen nachzuweisen, dass Gewerkschaften nach wie vor Handlungsspielräume haben, um in Konfliktfällen Arbeitnehmerinteressen ungeachtet struktureller Einschränkungen und Altlasten effektiv zu vertreten. Der Artikel zeigt, dass nicht einmal traditionell konsensorientierte Gewerkschaften und Rechtsnachfolger der früheren sozialistischen Gewerkschaften umfassend vor demokratisch legitimiertem Druck von Arbeitnehmern und Mitbewerberorganisationen geschützt werden können. Die Fähigkeit, zwischen demokratischer und bürokratischer Handlungslogik und Legitimation vermitteln zu können, ist deshalb für alle Gewerkschaften von entscheidender Bedeutung und bestimmt ihre Fähigkeit, die Interessen von Arbeitnehmern wirksam zu vertreten.


Author(s):  
Ilario Alvino

- The Author reviews the new French Law n. 2008-789, which introduces new considerable elements concerning the representativity of trade unions, the conditions of a regular collective bargaining, the establishment of specific structures of workers' representatives at the work place. On the one hand, the Author takes into consideration the differences between the Italian legal system and the French one, on the other hand, the reform process that brought into the introduction of new rules.Key words: France; Trade Union; Representativity; Collective bargaining; Freedom of association; Social dialogue.Parole chiave: Francia; sindacato; rappresentativitŕ; contratto collettivo; libertŕ sindacale; dialogo sociale.


2002 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-71
Author(s):  
Klaus Dörre ◽  
Birgit Beese ◽  
Bernd Röttger

The article discusses industrial political activities conducted in regional networks by German trade unions. Referring to the example of Dortmund it is shown that the industrial political strategies of local trade union sections are currently at a watershed. On the one hand, trade unions prove capable of socially compensating for the consequences of a radical structural change. On the other hand, however, they have great difficulties in gaining a foothold in the newly emerging economic sectors. ‘Action research’ will help the trade unions to develop adequate strategies for the new economic sectors.


2021 ◽  
Vol specjalny II (XXI) ◽  
pp. 471-492
Author(s):  
Janusz Żołyński

The feature of the Polish protection of employees is both the vertical and horizontal binding force. The vertical dimension stems from the rights and duties constituted in domestic legal norms being addressed to all of its addressees. These norms, on the other hand, may take on a horizontal dimension since their specification may be the subject of detailed regulations such as normative collective agreements being a basis for seeking redress, concluded by a trade union and an employer. They may thus be the subject of normative content of collective labour agreements, work regulations and separate collective agreements.


2007 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonina Zhelyazkova ◽  
Violeta Angelova

This article describes Bulgaria's difficult transition to a market economy and the significantly high unemployment rates among its substantial Turkish and Roma minorities, as well as Bulgarian Muslims. It discusses the history and debates on using the terms ‘racism’, ‘xenophobia’ and ethnic ‘discrimination’ in Bulgaria. It also traces the reasons for the appearance of an ultra-right nationalist party. It then focuses on the role of the trade unions, their activities and their influence on the minorities. The general non-discriminatory policy of the trade unions is outlined as well as some examples of good union practices.


2019 ◽  
Vol 116 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-55
Author(s):  
Naina Manjrekar

By exploring forms of maritime resistance spanning the age of sail and steam, this article interrogates certain preponderant assumptions within the historiography of subaltern agency. Within this historiography, “modernity” has generally come to be signalled by trade union organisation and a concomitant regard for legality, while violent resistance is implicitly or explicitly taken to signify the Other of modernity: traditional, primitive, incomplete. Arguing that this tradition/modernity divide has mapped onto the sail–steam divide in the historiography of maritime resistance, this article complicates the association of violent mutiny with the age of sail and litigiousness with the age of steam. It does this by bringing both epochs into single focus, thereby finding important continuities in forms of everyday resistance on board ship across the sail-steam divide. Using existing scholarship to look at resistance in the age of sail and archival material like ships’ logbooks, newspapers and “Lascari”–English dictionaries for the age of the steam, it argues that rather than trade unions fundamentally reshaping the forms of everyday resistance into legal channels, it was in fact these longer traditions of quotidian contestation that fed into the formation of unions at the end of World War I, and continued through the 1920s and 1930s.


Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-65
Author(s):  
Henk Dejonckheere

In this contribution, different elements which clarify the influence of the four yearly social elections on workers'participation are brought together. The author explains that representatives of only two advisory bodies on company level are elected. Nevertheless the social elections have an effect on a broader scale. The elections play a part in the protection of representatives in the trade union delegation, a third representative body on company level. Furthermore the elections can affect the relations which are situated above the company level (relations inside a trade union, between different trade unions and possibly hetween trade unions and the world of politics). Moreover a growing package of powers is granted to the workers' representatives. There is however an important difference between the social and the political elections. Political elections can cause a genuine change of power, social elections on the other hand can never change the postwar basic compromise: the employer preserves most of the decision power.The author outlines furthermore the battle necks of this participation mechanism. The most important bottleneck certainly is the low turn out of candidates for the social elections. For the first time this problem is analysed sectoraly over a longer period of time. It is concluded that there are great differences not only between the economic sectors and the non-economic sectors, but also between the economic sectors themselves. The author also indicates that the decline of active participation in the economic sector since 1975 is mainly situated in seven sectors, which deliver altogether 60% of the mandates in the profit sector. Finally the author touches upon two more bottlenecks, which are already discussed before but which remain nevertheless very important: the low presence of women as candidates and likewise in the distribution of seats, furthermore the relatively great amount of invalid votes in the electoral colleges of workers and young people.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Béroud

A number of French trade unions played a determining role in the opposition to the El Khomri law (also called the ‘loi Travail’) in Spring 2016. As well as large demonstrations and sector-level strikes, the movement also gave rise to the occupation of public spaces, such as the Place de la République in Paris. This new form of protest acquired the name ‘Nuit Debout’ (‘Up All Night’). This article examines the convergences, but also the tensions, which characterised the relations between the trade unions and Nuit Debout. It shows in particular how the Confédération générale du travail (CGT, General Confederation of Labour), a central actor in the protest, was caught in a dual and sometimes contradictory rationale. On the one hand, it was confronted with the particular dynamic of social movements, and with the capacity of trade unionism to mobilise and politicise the protest being called into question during the Nuit Debout movement. On the other hand, it faced certain constraints within the field of industrial relations, related to the issues of trade union competition and representativeness.


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