ASSESSING THE ROLE OF AUTONOMOUS TEACHERS’ TRADE UNIONS IN ANGLOPHONE CAMEROON, 1959–1972

2006 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-436
Author(s):  
PIET KONINGS
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Improvement ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Reforms ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constant Source

In the literature on African trade unions during decolonization and in the immediate post-independence period, two schools of thought can be distinguished: one is pessimistic about the unions' economic and political roles, and the other is optimistic. This study attempts to assess the role of autonomous teachers' trade unions in Anglophone Cameroon during the period 1959–72. The emergence, development and dissolution of these unions appears to have closely followed the region's political and educational reforms. It is argued that two main issues formed a constant source of conflict between the government and these unions, namely the preservation of trade union autonomy, and union demands for a substantial improvement in members' conditions of service.

Chapter II. The Home Economy in 1977 and 1978

1977 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 26-37
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Basic Norm ◽  
The Government

The critical assumption for this forecast is that relating to pay policy when Stage Two expires in July. At the time of writing (early February), formal negotiations have not yet begun. Preliminary positions have, however, been taken up, and it seems clear that the gap between the hopes of the Government and the aims of the trade unions is much wider than at the comparable point in the Stage Two negotiations. Both the Labour Party conference and the Trade Union Congress last autumn passed motions which called for priority to be given, when Stage Two ended, to four factors in the next stage. These were the restoration of satisfactory differentials and the correction of anomalies and inequities, an emphasis on the improvement of the position of the low-paid, the consolidation of Stage One and Two increases into basic rates for the calculation of overtime, piece-work and shift payments, and provision for productivity agreements. Almost independently of the agreed basic norm, a liberal interpretation of these demands could lead to rises in average earnings in excess of 20 per cent. On the other hand, the majority of trade unionists seem to accept the need for continued restraint, though stressing that there is an imperative need for greater flexibility in Stage Three.

scholarly journals Die italienischen Gewerkschaften - eine Bestandsaufnahme von den 70er Jahren bis heute

1995 ◽  
Vol 25 (98) ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Vittorio Rieser
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
New Production ◽  
Production Models ◽  
Human Labour ◽  
The One ◽  
Austerity Policy

After the deconstruction of the Italian trade unions which took place in the eighties due to a political anti-trade-unions offensive by the state and enterprises, a careful renaissance of trade union politics has started since the early nineties. This revival is owing to the new production models, on the one hand, which are rediscovering the role of human labour and are therefore opting for a stronger cooperation; on the other hand it is an expression of the opposition against a repetition of the state's austerity policy which fosters the unity of the trade unions.

scholarly journals What Is Orientation in Dignitarian Thinking? Self, Other, Time and Space

2020 ◽  
pp. 174387212098228
Author(s):  
Stephen Riley
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  
The Other ◽  
Core Area ◽  
Methodological Challenge ◽  
Time And Space ◽  
Normative Discourse ◽  
The Government

Drawing upon Kant’s analysis of the role of intuitions in our orientation towards knowledge, this paper analyses four points of departure in thinking about dignity: self, other, time and space. Each reveals a core area of normative discourse – authenticity in the self, respect for the other, progress through time and authority as the government of space – along with related grounds of resistance to dignity. The paper concludes with a discussion of the methodological challenge presented by our different dignitarian intuitions, in particular the role of universality in testing and cohering our intuitions.

Approaching the 21st Century: Perspectives on Korean Industrial Relations

1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seoghun Woo
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Presidential Address ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Direct Interaction ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Time Changes ◽  
Future Direction ◽  
Major Factors

This paper argues that the future direction for the development of Korean industrial relations will evolve through direct interaction between employers and trade unions (either conflictual or cooperative). The government is likely to play a less interventionist role in industrial relations, compared with the past, and to adopt the role of mediator between unions and employers. Characteristics of Korean industrial relations during the pre- 1987 period is firstly examined; four major factors are used to explain the industrial relations practice during this time. Changes after 1987 are also considered. Special consideration is given to interaction between the environment and the three major industrial relations participants, and the interactions between them. Both macro and micro aspects of industrial relations are examined. The special Presidential Address (26/04/1996), known as New Conception of Industrial Relations, is also analysed in terms of its implications for future industrial relations issues in Korea.

Front commun syndical et nouveau pacte social

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-268
Author(s):  
Léon-Eli Troclet
Keyword(s):  
Present State ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Social Pact ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Common Trade

I . Confronted with the acuteness of the socio-economic problems the two major labour organizations (i.e. : the socialist and the christiandemocratic trade union confederation) have in 1976 strengthened their «Common Trade Unions' Front» (with about two million members on a total of 2,300,000 wage- and salary earners in Belgium) in view of their negotiations with employers and with the government, to which the trade unions have submitted a common platform.The common front, that has its antecedents on the local, regional and professional level has never been and never will be of a permanent nature, some sort of organic unit. Each confederation maintains its own identity and the front is meant to be re-animated according to the circumstances.II. From the employers' side (and to some extent completely independent from the trade unions' common front) representatives of employers' organizations have «as a personal point of view» and, no doubt, as a preliminary approach, launched the idea that a new and very comprehensive «social pact» should be negotiated.  The socialist trade unions clearly tend to reject this idea, since it maywell lead to a further integration in the capitalist system, whereas the christiandemocratic union seems to be rather in favour of such a pact.In the present state of affairs (end of June, 1977) the probability that it be realized is rather low indeed.

Trade Unions and the Quadripartite Interactions in Strike Settlement in China

2010 ◽  
Vol 201 ◽  
pp. 104-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng Chen
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Labour Relations ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Social Basis ◽  
Low Degree ◽  
The Government

AbstractAlthough the Chinese government has claimed to be pursuing tripartism for labour relations, the non-judicial resolution of interest conflict in enterprises is largely a process of quadripartite interaction. In addition to the government and employers, the trade unions and workers are separate players: labour strikes in China are always launched by unorganized workers rather than by trade unions, whose task is to defuse the situation. Such a quadripartite process is dominated by the government, with the trade union playing a mediating role, not only between workers and the government but also between workers and employers. The process involves certain explicit and implicit rules, as well as distinct dynamics. This research examines the institutional and social basis of quadripartite interaction and how it led to the settlement of strikes. It demonstrates that although it can effectively defuse workers' collective action, a quadripartite process of conflict resolution reflects a low degree of institutionalization of industrial relations in China.

Trade Union Ambivalence Toward Enforcement of Employment Standards as an Organizing Strategy

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrid Landau ◽  
John Howe
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Minimum Standards ◽  
The Past ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
Employment Standards ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
Core Part

Trade unions in Australia have long played an important role in the enforcement of minimum employment standards. The legislative framework today continues to recognize this enforcement role, but in a way that is more individualistic and legalistic than in the past. At the same time that the law has evolved to emphasize the representation and servicing role of trade unions, the Australian union movement has sought to revitalize and grow through the adoption of an “organizing model” of unionism that emphasizes workplace-level activism. This Article explores how these seemingly opposing trends have manifested themselves in the enforcement-related activities of five trade unions. Considerable diversity was found among the unions in relation to the extent to which and how the unions performed enforcement-related activities. However, all five unions spent significant time and resources on monitoring and enforcing employer compliance with minimum standards and saw this work as a core part of what they do. The case studies suggest, however, that the way in which this work is undertaken within unions and by whom has changed significantly in recent decades. While there was evidence that enforcement work was used tactically by unions in certain cases, this was largely on an ad hoc basis and there was little indication that the enforcement work was integrated into broader organizing objectives and strategies. Overall, the unions were ambivalent, if not skeptical, as to the capacity for enforcement work to grow unions through building workplace activism and collective strength.

French trade union rivalry is likely to intensify

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government

Subject French trade unions. Significance French trade unions have found themselves at the centre of a continuing and powerful social movement against the labour reform proposed by the government under President Francois Hollande and Prime Minister Manuel Valls. However, the strong opposition is not just driven by the content of the reform but also by the power struggle among trade unions which are now split into 'reformist' and 'non-reformist' camps. Impacts The division between trade unions is likely to lead to a radicalisation of the non-reformist unions with violent strikes continuing. The government will be held responsible for the lock-down, which will weaken Hollande's re-election bid further. The labour reform dispute could relegitimise non-reformist trade unions in the long term, complicating future reform attempts.

Parties and Issues in Early Victorian England

1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
William O. Aydelotte
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Other ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Victorian England ◽  
Parliamentary Reform ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Oratory

It has never been established how far, in the early Victorian House of Commons, voting on issues followed party lines. It might in general seem plausible to assume — what political oratory generally contrives to suggest — that there are ideological disagreements between parties and that it makes a difference which of two major opposing parties is in control of the Government. This is, indeed, the line taken by some students of politics. A number of historians and political observers have, however, inclined to the contrary opinion and have, for various reasons, tended to play down the role of issues in party disputes. Much of what has been written on political history and, in particular, on the history of Parliament has had a distinct anti-ideological flavor.One line of argument is that issues on which disagreement exists are not always party questions. Robert Trelford McKenzie begins his study of British parties by pointing out that Parliament just before 1830 was “divided on a great issue of principle, namely Catholic emancipation,” and just after 1830, on another, parliamentary reform. He continues: “But on neither issue was there a clear division along strict party lines.” The distinguished administration of Sir Robert Peel in the 1840s was based, according to Norman Gash, on a party “deeply divided both on policy and personalities.” The other side of the House at that time is usually thought to have been even more disunited. It has even been suggested that, in the confused politics of the mid-nineteenth century, the wordsconservativeandradicaleach meant so many different things that they cannot be defined in terms of programs and objectives and that these polarities may more usefully be considered in terms of tempers and approaches.

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