Chapter II. The Home Economy in 1977 and 1978

1977 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 26-37
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Basic Norm ◽  
The Government

The critical assumption for this forecast is that relating to pay policy when Stage Two expires in July. At the time of writing (early February), formal negotiations have not yet begun. Preliminary positions have, however, been taken up, and it seems clear that the gap between the hopes of the Government and the aims of the trade unions is much wider than at the comparable point in the Stage Two negotiations. Both the Labour Party conference and the Trade Union Congress last autumn passed motions which called for priority to be given, when Stage Two ended, to four factors in the next stage. These were the restoration of satisfactory differentials and the correction of anomalies and inequities, an emphasis on the improvement of the position of the low-paid, the consolidation of Stage One and Two increases into basic rates for the calculation of overtime, piece-work and shift payments, and provision for productivity agreements. Almost independently of the agreed basic norm, a liberal interpretation of these demands could lead to rises in average earnings in excess of 20 per cent. On the other hand, the majority of trade unionists seem to accept the need for continued restraint, though stressing that there is an imperative need for greater flexibility in Stage Three.

ASSESSING THE ROLE OF AUTONOMOUS TEACHERS’ TRADE UNIONS IN ANGLOPHONE CAMEROON, 1959–1972

2006 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-436
Author(s):  
PIET KONINGS
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Improvement ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Reforms ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
The Government ◽  
Constant Source

In the literature on African trade unions during decolonization and in the immediate post-independence period, two schools of thought can be distinguished: one is pessimistic about the unions' economic and political roles, and the other is optimistic. This study attempts to assess the role of autonomous teachers' trade unions in Anglophone Cameroon during the period 1959–72. The emergence, development and dissolution of these unions appears to have closely followed the region's political and educational reforms. It is argued that two main issues formed a constant source of conflict between the government and these unions, namely the preservation of trade union autonomy, and union demands for a substantial improvement in members' conditions of service.

Post-socialist labour and the dual logic of collective action: workers’ unrest and trade union strategy in Fiat Automobiles Serbia

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-430
Author(s):  
Francesco Bagnardi ◽  
Valentina Petrović
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Other ◽  
Structural Constraints ◽  
Trade Off ◽  
Assembly Plant ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Plant Level ◽  
The One

In this article we examine the episode of labour discontent that occurred at the Fiat-Chrysler assembly plant in Kragujevac, Serbia, in the summer of 2017. The article traces the process through which the two main trade unions organised and channelled labour unrest at the plant level. Drawing on Offe and Wiesenthal’s conceptualisation of workers’ collective action dilemma, the case highlights the trade-off between on the one hand the need for institutional legitimation and on the other hand responsiveness to workers’ demands. We attempt to show that unions still have space in which to represent workers’ interests effectively when disputes emerge, regardless of unfavourable structural constraints and legacies. The article shows that not even traditionally non-conflictual and legacy unions can be fully sheltered from democratic pressures from workers and competitor organisations. Therefore, the ability to mediate between democratic and bureaucratic logics of action and legitimation remains crucial for any union and determines unions’ ability to represent effectively the interests of labour. Dans cet article, les auteurs examinent l’épisode de mécontentement des travailleurs qui s’est produit à l’usine d’assemblage Fiat-Chrysler à Kragujevac, en Serbie, à l’été 2017. L’article retrace le processus par lequel les deux principaux syndicats ont organisé et canalisé les conflits de travail au niveau de l’usine. En se fondant sur la conceptualisation développée par Offe et Wiesenthal du choix de l’action collective des travailleurs, ce cas met en évidence le compromis entre, d’une part, le besoin de légitimation institutionnelle et, d’autre part, la capacité à répondre aux demandes des travailleurs. Les auteurs tentent de montrer que les syndicats disposent encore de l’espace nécessaire pour représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs lorsque des conflits surgissent, indépendamment des contraintes structurelles et de l’héritage défavorables qui leur ont été laissés. Cet article montre que même les syndicats traditionnellement non conflictuels et ceux issus du passé ne peuvent pas être totalement à l’abri des pressions démocratiques des travailleurs et des organisations concurrentes. Par conséquent, la capacité de médiation entre les logiques démocratiques et bureaucratiques de l’action et de la légitimation demeure primordiale pour tout syndicat et détermine la capacité des syndicats à représenter efficacement les intérêts des travailleurs. Im vorliegenden Artikel untersuchen wir die Auseinandersetzungen zwischen der Belegschaft und der Unternehmensleitung im Fiat-Chrysler-Montagewerk in Kragujevac, Serbien im Sommer 2017. Der Artikel zeichnet nach, wie die beiden großen betrieblich vertretenen Gewerkschaften die Unzufriedenheit der Arbeitnehmer auf der Werksebene kanalisiert und organisiert haben. Unter Bezugnahme auf Offes und Wiesenthals Konzeptualisierung des Dilemmas des kollektiven Handelns von Arbeitnehmern ist dieser Fall symptomatisch für den Zielkonflikt zwischen der Notwendigkeit institutioneller Legitimation einerseits und dem Reaktionsvermögen auf Forderungen von Arbeitnehmern andererseits. Wir versuchen nachzuweisen, dass Gewerkschaften nach wie vor Handlungsspielräume haben, um in Konfliktfällen Arbeitnehmerinteressen ungeachtet struktureller Einschränkungen und Altlasten effektiv zu vertreten. Der Artikel zeigt, dass nicht einmal traditionell konsensorientierte Gewerkschaften und Rechtsnachfolger der früheren sozialistischen Gewerkschaften umfassend vor demokratisch legitimiertem Druck von Arbeitnehmern und Mitbewerberorganisationen geschützt werden können. Die Fähigkeit, zwischen demokratischer und bürokratischer Handlungslogik und Legitimation vermitteln zu können, ist deshalb für alle Gewerkschaften von entscheidender Bedeutung und bestimmt ihre Fähigkeit, die Interessen von Arbeitnehmern wirksam zu vertreten.

MEMBANGUN PENDIDIKAN KARAKTER SEJAK USIA DINI

Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi
Keyword(s):  
Human Resources ◽  
Character Education ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
The Other ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Early Age ◽  
National Education ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.

Timber

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Charles Taylor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Forestry Sector ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Timber Market

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.

Party and the Augustan Constitution, 1694-1716: Politics and the Power of the Executive

1978 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Dennis A. Rubini
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Glorious Revolution ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Glorious Revolution

William of Orange tried to be as absolute as possible. Inroads upon the power of the executive were fiercely resisted: indeed, William succeeded in keeping even the judiciary in a precarious state of independence. To maintain the prerogative and gain the needed supplies from parliament, he relied upon a mixed whig-tory ministry to direct court efforts. Following the Glorious Revolution, the whigs had divided into two principle groups. One faction led by Robert Harley and Paul Foley became the standard-bearers of the broadly based Country party, maintained the “old whig” traditions, did not seek office during William's reign, tried to hold the line on supply, and led the drive to limit the prerogative. The “junto,” “court,” or “new” whigs, on the other hand, were led by ministers who, while in opposition during the Exclusion crisis, held court office, aggressively sought greater offices, and wished to replace monarchy with oligarchy. They soon joined tory courtiers in opposing many of the Country party attempts to place additional restrictions upon the executive. To defend the prerogative and gain passage for bills of supply, William also developed techniques employed by Charles II. By expanding the concept and power of the Court party, he sought to bring together the executive and legislative branches of government through a large cadre of crown office-holders (placemen) who sat, voted, and directed the votes of others on behalf of the government when matters of importance arose in the Commons. So too, William claimed the right to dissolve parliament and call new elections not on a fixed date, as was to become the American practice, but at the time deemed most propitious over first a three-year and then (after 1716) a seven year period.

Sharp and the Restoration Policy in Scotland

1906 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
B.D. John Willcock
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Government ◽  
Charles Ii ◽  
Political Principles ◽  
The Church

The idea that at the Restoration the Government of Charles II. wantonly attacked a Church that otherwise would have remained at peace and in the enjoyment of hardly-won liberties is not in accordance with facts. The Church was divided into two warring factions—that of the Remonstrants or Protesters and that of the Resolutioners. The former were the extreme Covenant party and had as their symbol the Remonstrance of the Western army after the Battle of Dunbar, in which they refused to fight any longer in the cause of Charles II. The Resolutioners were the more moderate party, which accepted him as a Covenanted King, and they derived their name from their support of certain Resolutions passed in the Parliament and General Assembly for the admission of Royalists to office under certain conditions. The Protesters—who numbered perhaps about a third of the Presbyterian clergy—claimed, probably not without reason, to be more religious than their opponents. They were very eager to purge the Church of all those whose opinions they regarded as unsatisfactory, and to fill up vacant charges with those who uttered their shibboleths. In their opposition to the King they naturally drew somewhat closely into sympathy with the party of Cromwell, though, with the fatal skill in splitting hairs which has afflicted so many of their nation, they were able to differentiate their political principles from what they called ‘English errors.’ The Resolutioners, on the other hand, adhered steadily to the cause of Charles II., and came under the disfavour of the Government of the Commonwealth for their sympathy with the insurrection under Glencairn and Middleton which had been so troublesome to the English authorities.

scholarly journals Persistent Conflict and Perceived Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Southern Kaduna Region of Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Tunde Abioro ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Historical Approach ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
People’S Perception ◽  
Origin Identity ◽  
The Government

The cycle of individual and communal lives from birth to death is supposedly preserved by the government through institutions. However, political, social, and economic activities are engaged to make ends meet wherein the government is to serve as an unbiased regulator. The activities that play out in Southern Kaduna reflected politics of being on one side with interplay on origin, identity, religion, and locality. On the other hand, it reflects politics of belonging that play on kin, reciprocity, and stranger status. It has thus resulted in violence, suspicion, and persistent conflict. The study examines citizen’s inclusiveness in peacebuilding initiatives and the people’s perception of the sincerity of the government. The research relies on secondary sources where governmental and non-governmental publications and documents from relevant and reliable sources enriched the socio-historical approach, particularly those relating to contestation in the region. The study found out that just like situations in the other northwest states of the country, the crisis exacerbates by the government’s inability to mediate fairly between warring parties to ensure fairness and justice as well as failure to apprehend and punish the culprits, even as recommendations from the various interventions were unimplemented. Thus, the spate of violence continues.

scholarly journals AIR QUALITY MONITORING OF KALABAHI-ALOR’S SEAPORT-EAST OF NUSA TENGGARA

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-133
Author(s):  
Rikson Siburian ◽  
Minsyahril Bukit ◽  
Herlince Sihotang ◽  
Saur Lumban Raja ◽  
Minto Supeno ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Air Quality ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Quality Monitoring ◽  
Air Quality Monitoring ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

Evaluation of environment of seaport is needed as well as our responsibility to nature sustainability. The Alor’s seaport belongs to Pelindo III. In order to know the air quality of Alor’s seaport, we did this study. Our aims are to know level quality of air at Alor’s seaport and compare to the government regulation. This study refers to Pararosaniline (SOx), Saltzman (NOx), Particle Calculation (dust) and decibel (noisy) methods. We used four locations, those are A-1 (Entrance gate of PELINDO (8013’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)); A-2 (In front of passengers terminal (8013’08.75”S, 124031’01.60”E)); A-3 (Exit  gate Kalabahi’s seaport (8013’08.2”S, 124031’00.87”E)) and A-4 (In front of port of the people (8011’09.12”S, 124031’07.21”E)). Results show that the averages level of SOx, NOx and dust of A-1, A-2 and A-3 are 103.01, 104.65 and 107.47 (µg/Nm3), 37.87, 30.62, and 39.73 (µg/Nm3), 56.64, 47.47 and 50.72 (µg/Nm), respectively. On the other hand, the level of noisy of A-1, A-2, A-3 and A-4 are 68.76, 65.69, 65.20 and 73.60 (dBA), respectively. Base on all of data, we conclude that the air quality of Alor’s seaport is still appropriate according to government regulation (PP. No. 4, 1999).

scholarly journals AN APPRAISAL OF EMPLOYEES WELFARE AND SOCIAL SECURITY MEASURES IN CENTRAL PUBLIC SECTOR ENTERPRISES

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (7) ◽  
pp. 234-247
Author(s):  
Joyjit Sanyal ◽  
Sujit Sikidar
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Level Of Satisfaction ◽  
The Government

Labour plays a very important role in the industrial production of the country. The human resource managers are concerned with the management of people at work. It is necessary to secure the co-operation of labour force in order to increase the production and earn higher profits. The co-operation of labour force is possible only when they are fully satisfied with their employer and the working conditions on the job. In the past, industrialists and the employers believed that their only duty towards their employees was to pay them satisfactory wages and salaries. But in due course of time, in addition to providing monetary benefits, human treatment given to employees started to play a very important role in seeking their co-operation. Labour or employee welfare activities benefit not only the workers but also the management in the form of greater industrial efficiency. The welfare activities pay a good dividend in the long run, because they contribute a lot towards the health and efficiency of the workers and towards a high morale. On the other hand, social security has come up as a dynamic concept which is considered in all advanced countries of the world as an indispensable chapter of the national programme. Social security is that security which the society furnishes through appropriate organisation against certain risks or certain contingencies to which its members are exposed. These risks are essentially contingencies against which the individual cannot afford by his small means and by his ability or foresight alone. As the name stands for general well- being of the people it is the duty of the state to promote social security which may provide the citizens with benefits designed to prevent or cure disease, to support him when he is not able to earn and to restore him to gainful activity. The state as an employer has provided for certain measures for the welfare and social security of the labourers, who contribute towards the economic development of a country and in this regard, the government has to see towards the proper implementation of such measures to maintain a harmonious industrial relation on the one side and on the other hand towards the upliftment of the members of the society. Thus, there arise the vital needs for the detailed assessments of the measures so provided, its quality of implementation so far and the level of satisfaction of the same among the different class of employees. The present study acts as a working paper with an objective to gather the opinion of the organized workforce in the Central Public Sector Enterprises with regards to their acceptance and satisfaction level of the various ‘Employees welfare and Social Security’ measures by the employers. However, the present study is restricted to two enterprises only and is undertaken with the following objectives: To analyze the opinions of the employees in respect of the labour welfare measures & social security benefits. To analyze the level of satisfaction or otherwise of the workers in respect of social security measures.

Front commun syndical et nouveau pacte social

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-268
Author(s):  
Léon-Eli Troclet
Keyword(s):  
Present State ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Capitalist System ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Social Pact ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Common Trade

I . Confronted with the acuteness of the socio-economic problems the two major labour organizations (i.e. : the socialist and the christiandemocratic trade union confederation) have in 1976 strengthened their «Common Trade Unions' Front» (with about two million members on a total of 2,300,000 wage- and salary earners in Belgium) in view of their negotiations with employers and with the government, to which the trade unions have submitted a common platform.The common front, that has its antecedents on the local, regional and professional level has never been and never will be of a permanent nature, some sort of organic unit. Each confederation maintains its own identity and the front is meant to be re-animated according to the circumstances.II. From the employers' side (and to some extent completely independent from the trade unions' common front) representatives of employers' organizations have «as a personal point of view» and, no doubt, as a preliminary approach, launched the idea that a new and very comprehensive «social pact» should be negotiated.  The socialist trade unions clearly tend to reject this idea, since it maywell lead to a further integration in the capitalist system, whereas the christiandemocratic union seems to be rather in favour of such a pact.In the present state of affairs (end of June, 1977) the probability that it be realized is rather low indeed.

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