The international organization for migration: renewal and growth since the end of the cold war

2012 ◽  
pp. 93-121
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Organization ◽  
The Cold War

In Defence of Arms Control

1996 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 888-905
Author(s):  
Stuart Croft
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Laws Of War ◽  
Strategic Stability ◽  
The Cold War

Arms control has been strongly attacked from two quarters since the end of the Cold War. Some argue that it is flawed in essence, elaborating a conservative critique developed over 25 years. Others argue that arms control was a Cold War institution, and therefore its time has passed. Both are wrong, fundamentally because arms control is defined too narrowly. A typology of arms control is proposed with five distinct forms: the traditional interpretation, focusing on strategic stability; arms control at the end of major conflicts; arms control to develop the laws of war; controls on proliferation; and arms control by international organization. Arms control has a long history, and when seen in this broader perspective, it is clear that it has a future.

Regionalism, Functionalism, and Universal International Organization

1956 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst B. Haas
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Basic Theory ◽  
Actual Practice ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Theoretical Structure ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Operational Practices ◽  
The Cold War

Nothing compels the reexamination of basic constitutional postulates so much as the possibility of their peaceful revision. Hence the much-advertised United Nations Review Conference underscores the need for contrasting the theoretical structure of the Charter with the reality of the practices which have evolved within its framework. Such an effort, while it might give support to those who strive for severe alterations of the structure, may also lead to the conclusion that even though the operational practices of international organization fail to meet the specifications of the Charter, peace might be more secure in the Cold War era if it is permitted to depend on operational vagaries rather than on legal precision. What, then, is the basic theory of the Charter and what the actual practice?

scholarly journals Femmes d’acier. Les communistes espagnoles et la Federation Democratique Internationale des Femmes (1945-1950) = Mujeres de acero. Las comunistas españolas y la Federación Democrática Internacional de Mujeres (1945-1950) = Steel women. Spanish communists and the Women’s International Democratic Federation (1945-1950)

2020 ◽  
pp. 599
Author(s):  
Mercedes Yusta Rodrigo
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Political Language ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

Resumen: El artículo aborda una faceta poco conocida de la historia de la militancia de las mujeres comunistas españolas en el exilio: su participación en una organización internacional, la Federación Democrática Internacional de Mujeres, creada en Paris en 1945 con el objetivo de federar las organizaciones de mujeres antifascistas del mundo entero. Las comunistas españolas, con Dolores Ibárruri a la cabeza, tuvieron un papel muy importante en la definición de las estrategias y la propia organización de la Federación, la cual representa un caso de movilización femenina transnacional muy importante en el marco de la Guerra fría. El articulo resitúa la creación de organizaciones femeninas antifascistas en la larga duración, describe el papel de las comunistas españolas en el seno de la FDIM, y, finalmente, analiza la relación entre la FDIM y la movilización antifranquista, que incluye la creación de un lenguaje político común en el seno de este movimiento femenino, muy marcado por el materialismo político.Palabras clave: Mujeres, Comunismo, Exilio, Internacionalismo, Antifascismo, Guerra Fría.Abstract: The article addresses a little-known facet of the history of the militancy of Spanish communist women in exile : their participation in an international organization, the Women’s International Democratic Federation, created in Paris in 1945 with the aim of federating anti-fascist women’s organizations worldwide. The Spanish communists, led by Dolores Ibárruri, played a very important role in defining the strategies and organization of the Federation itself, which represents a very important case of transnational women’s mobilization in the context of the Cold War. The article discusses the creation of women’s anti-fascist organizations in the long term, describes the role of the Spanish communists within the FDIM, and finally analyzes the relationship between the FDIM and the anti-Franco mobilization, which includes the creation of a common political language within this women’s movement, very marked by political motherhood.Keywords: Women, Communism, Exile, Internationalism, Anti-fascism, Cold War.

Regionalism and the United Nations

1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 788-811 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis O. Wilcox
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Douglas Macarthur ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Universe

Old soldiers may “just fade away” as General Douglas MacArthur reminded us, but the controversy over the relative merits of regionalism and globalism in international organization will ever be with us. That question generated as much heat as any other issue at San Francisco in 1945 with the possible exception of the veto. In more recent years the inadequacies of the United Nations, the changing nature of the Cold War, the growth and expansion of regional organizations, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, and the continued shrinking of the universe have kept the heat of this controversy at a relatively high level.

Chinese Human Rights and American Foreign Policy: A Realist Approach

2001 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lowell Dittmer
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Trade Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Clinton Administration ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Realist Approach ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact

This article focuses on the function of human rights as a foreign policy ideal in American foreign policy, particularly since the end of the Cold War. China became a challenging target of U.S. human rights policy after Tiananmen. Human rights as an ideal may be defended either by idealist or by realist means. Whereas the former are logically consistent with the ends, only the latter promises immediate results. The Clinton administration thus began with an attempt to manipulate trade policy to pressure China into improving its human rights policies. The administration then shifted to idealist means more consistent with idealist ends, including the resort to international organization sanctions. But here Washington failed even more conspicuously. The article concludes that human rights did not turn out to be a politically suitable ideal to orient U.S. foreign policy. The impact on China was fierce resentment. But human rights have improved.

scholarly journals Yugocentrism and the Study of the Non-Aligned Movement

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-155
Author(s):  
Paul Stubbs
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
Double Movement ◽  
The Cold War

There has been a renewed scholarly interest in recent years concerning the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). This text addresses some of the challenges posed by focusing on NAM through a lens of Yugocentrism that is reliant on socialist Yugoslav sources alone. To reinsert socialist Yugoslavia into a global historiography, one needs to perform a double movement: The first part concerns bringing Yugoslavia back into global social relations; the second part concerns decentring its positionality and ensuring that other sites of analysis and struggle, and the relations between them, are taken into consideration. Seeing NAM as a prefigurative, multi-nodal, networked community rather than a traditional international organization suggests that privileging one node at the expense of others will lead to a distorted and incomplete analysis. This paper addresses the complex relationship between the Bandung Afro-Asian conference of April 1955 and the Belgrade NAM summit of September 1961. NAM and the G-77 are also studied as overlapping groupings in terms of membership and objectives. The paper contributes to the development of a critical decolonial historiography of the Cold War period that addresses the need for multi-sited, para-sited, and meta-historiographies by going beyond Yugocentrism whilst still retaining a nuanced concern with global Yugoslavia across different conjunctures.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization towards the war in Syria 2011-2015

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 265-284
Author(s):  
Jakub Olchowski
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
International Organization ◽  
The North ◽  
International Environment ◽  
Religious Factor ◽  
Syrian Conflict ◽  
The Cold War

The conflict in Syria that started in 2011 has quickly evolved from a local uprising inspired by the events of the so-called “Arab Spring” into a multidimensional and complicated conflict of a civil war character, with many diverse participants and a very significant religious factor apart from political and socioeconomic reasons. Furthermore, the conflict has become internationalized: more and more external parties have gotten involved in it with a view to furthering or safeguarding their own interests. A vast majority of these actors were states (as far as legal entities are concerned). In the context of their activity, operations of non-state entities, such as international organizations, were rather limited and focused on social and humanitarian issues. This also pertains to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Evolving from a typical defensive alliance towards a security organization and, since the end of the Cold War, consistently operating outside the area covered by the Treaty (understood as the territories of member states), NATO as an autonomous entity has not taken any consistent, coordinated, or decisive actions during the first years of the Syrian conflict. This is due to both the specific features of this international organization and the determinants of the international environment with their dynamics.

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