scholarly journals Femmes d’acier. Les communistes espagnoles et la Federation Democratique Internationale des Femmes (1945-1950) = Mujeres de acero. Las comunistas españolas y la Federación Democrática Internacional de Mujeres (1945-1950) = Steel women. Spanish communists and the Women’s International Democratic Federation (1945-1950)

Author(s):  
Mercedes Yusta Rodrigo

Resumen: El artículo aborda una faceta poco conocida de la historia de la militancia de las mujeres comunistas españolas en el exilio: su participación en una organización internacional, la Federación Democrática Internacional de Mujeres, creada en Paris en 1945 con el objetivo de federar las organizaciones de mujeres antifascistas del mundo entero. Las comunistas españolas, con Dolores Ibárruri a la cabeza, tuvieron un papel muy importante en la definición de las estrategias y la propia organización de la Federación, la cual representa un caso de movilización femenina transnacional muy importante en el marco de la Guerra fría. El articulo resitúa la creación de organizaciones femeninas antifascistas en la larga duración, describe el papel de las comunistas españolas en el seno de la FDIM, y, finalmente, analiza la relación entre la FDIM y la movilización antifranquista, que incluye la creación de un lenguaje político común en el seno de este movimiento femenino, muy marcado por el materialismo político.Palabras clave: Mujeres, Comunismo, Exilio, Internacionalismo, Antifascismo, Guerra Fría.Abstract: The article addresses a little-known facet of the history of the militancy of Spanish communist women in exile : their participation in an international organization, the Women’s International Democratic Federation, created in Paris in 1945 with the aim of federating anti-fascist women’s organizations worldwide. The Spanish communists, led by Dolores Ibárruri, played a very important role in defining the strategies and organization of the Federation itself, which represents a very important case of transnational women’s mobilization in the context of the Cold War. The article discusses the creation of women’s anti-fascist organizations in the long term, describes the role of the Spanish communists within the FDIM, and finally analyzes the relationship between the FDIM and the anti-Franco mobilization, which includes the creation of a common political language within this women’s movement, very marked by political motherhood.Keywords: Women, Communism, Exile, Internationalism, Anti-fascism, Cold War.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kornelia Kończal

In early 2018, the Polish parliament adopted controversial legislation criminalising assertions regarding the complicity of the ‘Polish Nation’ and the ‘Polish State’ in the Holocaust. The so-called Polish Holocaust Law provoked not only a heated debate in Poland, but also serious international tensions. As a result, it was amended only five months after its adoption. The reason why it is worth taking a closer look at the socio-cultural foundations and political functions of the short-lived legislation is twofold. Empirically, the short history of the Law reveals a great deal about the long-term role of Jews in the Polish collective memory as an unmatched Significant Other. Conceptually, the short life of the Law, along with its afterlife, helps capture poll-driven, manifestly moralistic and anti-pluralist imaginings of the past, which I refer to as ‘mnemonic populism’. By exploring the relationship between popular and political images of the past in contemporary Poland, this article argues for joining memory and populism studies in order to better understand what can happen to history in illiberal surroundings.


Slavic Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (3) ◽  
pp. 661-684
Author(s):  
Theodora Dragostinova

This article examines Bulgarian cultural relations with India and Mexico in the 1970s to explore the role of cultural diplomacy in the relationship between the Second and the Third Worlds during the Cold War. In 1975, Liudmila Zhivkova, the daughter of the Bulgarian leader, became the head of the Committee for Culture; under her patronage, Bulgarian officials organized literally hundreds of exhibitions, concerts, academic conferences, book readings, cultural weeks, and visits that involved the three countries in an intense cultural romance. Even though Bulgaria was known as the “Soviet master satellite,” culture provided a considerable level of independence in Bulgarian dealings with international actors, which often caused Soviet irritation. In the end, by using culture, in addition to political and economic aid, Bulgaria managed to forge its role as an intermediary between the Second World and the Global South, and to project its notions of development on a global scene.


Author(s):  
Maya Hertig Randall

Translating the UDHR into a binding treaty ‘with teeth’ was an acid test for the international community. This chapter places the genesis of the ICESCR and the ICCPR in its political context. It highlights the interlocking challenges of the Cold War and of decolonization and also underscores disagreement among allied nations as well as attempts to ‘export’ the domestic conception of human rights. Three issues central to completing the International Bill of Human Rights are analysed: (1) identification of the rights to be included; (2) States’ obligations to give effect to human rights on the domestic level; and (3) international supervision mechanisms. These issues are closely related to the decision to divide human rights into two Covenants. In tracing the major controversies and decisions reached, light is also cast on the relationship and characteristics of civil and political rights and economic, social, and cultural rights, as understood at the time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-19
Author(s):  
V I Yakunin

The article deals with the analysis of the myths and ideological clichés as the fundamental elements of U.S. foreign policy. The author emphasizes the necessity to study the discourses formed by political elites around the main problems and directions of the state’s foreign policy. At the same time, in the article an attempt is made to integrate the achievements of Western and Russian political science related to ideological clichés and myths. Particular attention is paid to the role of myths and ideological clichés in the legitimization of the government’s foreign policy actions in the eyes of the electorate. The author shows the history of the formation of the basic myths and clichés of the U.S. foreign policy, their implementation during and after the Cold War. The article contains a detailed analysis of the concept of American exclusivity as well as the foreign policy guidelines that follow from it. In conclusion, the author shows how the world has adopted to such an approach for conducting foreign policy by the hegemonic state and what methods it uses to counteract it.


2020 ◽  
pp. 55-75
Author(s):  
Natalia B. Gramatchikova ◽  
Lidia V. Enina

The article is the result of a long-term study of autobiographies and memoirs from the Fund of the First Builders of Uralmash, collected in 1967-1984 and dedicated to the construction of the plant (1926-1934). The question of the role of spatial and temporal markers in the construction of the collective identity of factory workers is considered. Particular attention is paid to the relationship between strong discursive practices and the “weak positions” of the official discourse, which allow authors to independently write their personal history into the history of the plant. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the Foundation's documents are viewed not as a factual source, but as a way of creating collective and personal identity of factory workers in the process of forming the concept of the FIRST BUILDER and as a body of texts, which reflects the practice of constructing the “Soviet”. It is emphasized that a special perception of space (the plant and the social city of Uralmash) and the placement of oneself in a certain historical era (with the opposition “then-now”) unite most of the Foundation's texts, among the authors of which are workers of the plant of different specialties and social status. It is proved that the texts have a common chronotope associated with the axiological picture of the world and with the practice of social communication through the text.


Author(s):  
Sara Lorenzini

This introductory chapter provides an overview of how development became a Cold War global project from the late 1940s until the late 1980s. Narrating the political, intellectual, and economic history of the twentieth century through the lens of development means dealing with ideas as much as with material transformation, recounting the ways ideas and projects affected local realities, transnational interactions, and, eventually, notions of development. In describing this trajectory, the book makes three main points. First, it argues that the Cold War was fundamental in shaping the global aspirations and ideologies of development and modeling the institutional structures that still rule foreign aid today. Second, it contends that the role of the state was crucial, and that though development projects were articulated in global terms, as narratives to frame problems and provide solutions, they actually served national purposes. Third, it argues that development institutions tried to create a universal and homogeneous concept of development but ultimately failed.


1996 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul F. Diehl ◽  
Jennifer Reifschneider ◽  
Paul R. Hensel

The end of the cold war has signaled a dramatic increase in the number and forms of United Nations (UN) intervention into ongoing conflicts. Yet, this larger UN role has not always translated into success. Short-term failures are evident, but the long-term effects of UN efforts are not readily apparent. We explore this longer-term impact by examining the incidence of recurring conflict between state dyads following a crisis. Overall, UN intervention has proved ineffective in inhibiting, delaying, or lessening the severity of future conflicts, independent of the level of violence in the precipitating crisis, the relative capabilities of the two states, the states' history of conflict, and the form of crisis outcome; nor were UN efforts successful in deterring future conflict. These sobering results suggest that changes in long-term strategy may be in order.


Author(s):  
Ana Barahona

Although their history can be traced further back to the study of heredity, variability, and evolution at the beginnings of the 20th century, studies on the genetic structure and ancestry of human populations became important at the end of World War II. From 1950 onward, the tools and practices of human genetics were systematically used to attack global health problems with the support of international health organizations and the founding of local institutions that extended these practices, thus contributing to global knowledge. These developments were not an exception for Mexican physicians and human geneticists in the Cold War years. The first studies, which appeared in the 1940s, reflect the emerging model of human genetics in clinical practice and in scientific research in postwar Mexico. Studies on the distribution of blood groups as well as on variant forms of hemoglobin in indigenous populations paved the way for long-term research programs on the characterization of Mexican indigenous populations. Research groups were formed at the Ministry of Health, the National Commission of Nuclear Energy, and the Mexican Social Security Institute in the 1960s. The key actors in this narrative were Rubén Lisker, Alfonso León de Garay, and Salvador Armendares. They consolidated solid communities in the fields of population and human genetics. For Lisker, the long-term effort to carry out research on indigenous populations in order to provide insights into the biological history of the human species, disease patterns, and biological relationships among populations was of particular interest. Alfonso León de Garay was interested in studying human and Drosophila populations, but in a completely different context, namely at the intersection of studies on nuclear energy and its effects on human populations as a result of World War II, with the life sciences, particularly genetics and radiobiology. In parallel, the study of chromosomes on a large scale using newly experimental techniques introduced by Salvador Armendares in Mexico in 1960 allowed researchers to tackle child malnutrition and health problems caused by Down and Turner syndromes. The history of population studies and genetics during the Cold War in Mexico (1945–1970s) shows how the Mexican human geneticists of the mid-20th century mobilized scientific resources and laboratory practices in the context of international trends marked by WWII, and national priorities owing to the construction movement of postrevolutionary Mexican governments. These research programs were not limited to collaborations between research laboratories but were developed within the institutional and political framework marked at the international level by the postwar period and at the national level by the construction of the modern Mexican state.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1155-1174 ◽  
Author(s):  
VAN GOSSE

On 2–5 June 1984, Ronald Reagan toured Ireland. He was met by widespread protest regarding US policies in Central America, including reproofs from the Irish government, and snubs from the Catholic hierarchy. Yet for Irish diplomats, engaged in a long-term effort to encourage Britain towards a settlement of the civil war in Northern Ireland, the visit was a success. This article argues that these immediate resonances have wider meanings, which complicate our understanding of the Cold War. Both large and small “cold wars” (the US in Central America; the US versus the Soviets; Ireland versus Britain) got mixed up with each other during this visit, contributing to the resolution of all three: the Europeans pushed the US to the negotiating table in Central America; following re-election, Reagan began his rapprochement with Mikhail Gorbachev; in September 1984, the President began nudging his closest ally, Margaret Thatcher, towards a rapprochment with the Irish Republic. The relationship between these overlapping frames underlines the article's claims that “cold wars” are a useful category of international relations, in which small nations can be significant factors. Tensions over Ronald Reagan in Ireland remind us that the global Cold War was always much more complex than superpower rivalries.


Modern Italy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-265
Author(s):  
Philip Cooke

Based on archival materials in Italy and the Czech Republic, the article examines the history of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) radio programme ‘Oggi in Italia’, which was broadcast from Prague to Italy throughout the 1950s and 1960s. The programme was produced clandestinely by former partisans who had fled to Czechoslovakia in order to escape prosecution during the ‘trial of the Resistance’ (processo alla Resistenza). ‘Oggi in Italia’ was a central element in the PCI's media strategy, particularly during the Cold War, when access to the official airwaves was circumscribed. The programme was thus a key element of the long-term legacy of the Resistance movement, but also played a highly significant role in the wider process of negotiation between the Communist parties of Italy, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union.


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