scholarly journals National–European identity and notions of citizenship: A comparative study between Portuguese and Greek university student teachers

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleni Apostolidou ◽  
Gloria Solé

This paper reports a study of prospective teachers' views about Europe, and European and national identity, in Greece and Portugal. The paper analyses written responses to a closed multiple-choice questionnaire provided by 33 Greek and 35 Portuguese prospective teachers following courses in Ioannina and Braga universities in early 2018. First, students were asked to answer 15 closed questions related to their perceptions of national, European and other identities. More specifically they were asked to choose among different associations of Europe and different levels of how their country is integrated into Europe. Also, they were asked to choose their preferred 'identification with particular identities' (Villaverde Cabral and Machado Pais, 1998) and to articulate their notions of citizenship by commenting on different criteria for the naturalization of immigrants. Finally, they were asked to predict the future of the European Union by answering an open question. Data analysis focused on the 2018 data and on comparisons with existing data sets, collected in Greece and Portugal since 1994, relating to perceptions of national and European identity and to notions of citizenship. The authors expected to find change over time in data on attitudes in the two countries, reflecting the impacts of the recent economic crisis in both Portugal and Greece and the refugee crisis, particularly in Greece. Portuguese participants were found to manifest a more positive perspective on Portuguese–European integration than had been the case in earlier data sets, while at the same time wishing to preserve some specific aspects of national identity. The Greek students were found generally to be consistent with their pro-European viewpoints, but at the same time there seems to have been an increasing distrust of the European Union after the experience of the 2010–18 economic crisis – indications of which were apparent in some earlier findings .

Author(s):  
Maria Chalari ◽  
Thomas Georgas

This paper critically reviews discourses of Greek national identity and the role of the Greek education system first in a historical perspective and then in the current climate of economic crisis in Greece. It also discusses the reason why teachers and schools are key to tackling growing discriminatory social attitudes. The preceding nationalistic discourse and the historical forms of nationhood and education in Greece might help us unravel the difficulties Greek national identity faces in the current era of economic and humanitarian crisis and uncertainty with regard to the European Union project, its evolution, its struggles, the nature of its challenges and tensions, and the empowerment of its ethnocentric and racist sentiment.


2020 ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Mikhail Grabevnik

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union focused the issue of cleavage of British statehood by European criteria. According to the results of sociological surveys and polls, the distribution of preferences of Brexit is correlated with the national identification matrix. Most Scots and Irish of United Kingdom support remaining the membership in the European Union, while the most English defend soft or hard Brexit. However, the depth of such cleavage underlines the uncertainty in the preferences of citizens who identify as British in general. In the context of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union, the question of the European identity of Scots was also underlines by Scotland's regional political actors. This article is aimed to the analysis of the dynamics of the European identity of the Scottish community in 2016–2020 under Brexit conditions. The author concludes that the share of Scots with European identities increased after 2016, and Brexit was a key factor in the dynamics. At the same time, the actualization of European identity among the Scottish community is connected with the pragmatic strategy of the Scottish community and regional political actors to neutralize the negative economic and social effects of Brexit and plays an instrumental role in the national and European political arenas. The article starts with an excursion to the issues of national identity in the modern United Kingdom in the studies of Western and Russian authors. Then, based on an analysis of sociological data, the question of the European identity of Scots was raised, as well as the role of the national identity of United Kingdom citizens in the issue of membership in the European Union. At the end of the article, author proposes the description of the position and strategy of the Scottish community on the issue of Brexit.


Author(s):  
Demi Wilhelmina Maria van Huisseling

Throughout history, humanity has been known to move in groups as a way of surviving, to expand their identity and culture. In Europe this has led to international and civil wars in the past but changed with the creation of the European Union. This chapter analyzes the creation and demarcation of nations during the past, the territorial identity that was formed and the need of the EU to create a European Identity to overcome the threat of independent movements. Secessionist nationalistic movements have gained importance since the economic crisis which started in 2007 and have been rising in different regions and countries of the EU. The main question that needs to be solved in this chapter: How does the EU cope with the rise of new nationalistic movements? It can only be overcome with the creation of a European territorial identity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 159-170
Author(s):  
Andreja Sršen ◽  
Davor Piskač

Croatian national identity and the European Union The permanent anthropological determinant of men which provides them with a feeling of social security is the feeling of belonging to a larger group of people. Various forms of such affiliations existed in the past. They represent older types of collective relationships, such as tribes, the Greek poleis, medieval kingdoms and the like. All of them exhibit the fundamental features of the “structure” of identity. Nowadays, Croatia being at the doorstep of the Euro­pean Union, the issue of national identity becomes a matter of its internal structure that re­sists integration, yet seeking to become a part of the “European identity structure”. Croatia’s scepticism towards the EU stems from the questions of whether the European identity exists and which possibilities for preserving all the structural elements of Croatian national identity, including language as the main aspect, exist within the European Union. The territory, lan­guage and customs acquire defensive features that are becoming increasingly disintegrating and decreasingly integrating in the multi-ethnic Europe. Chorwacka tożsamość narodowa i Unia Europejska Trwałą determinantą antropologiczną człowieka, dającą mu poczucie bezpieczeństwa spo­łecznego, jest świadomość przynależności do większej grupy. Niegdyś istniały różne formy takiej przynależności, a mianowicie starsze typy związków społecznych, jak plemiona, greckie polis, średniowieczne królestwa itd. Współcześnie te formy przynależności zbiorowej są związane ze strukturą narodową, z państwem-narodem lub też ze strukturą ponadnarodową, jaką jest Unia Europejska. W każdej z nich można znaleźć podstawowe cechy strukturalne w postaci tożsamości narodowej lub ponadnarodowej. Obecnie, kiedy Chorwacja oczekuje na przyjęcie do Unii Euro­pejskiej, kwestia tożsamości narodowej staje się sprawą jej wewnętrznej struktury, która stawia opór integracji, ale jednocześnie chce być częścią ponadnarodowej „tożsamości europejskiej”. Sceptycyzm Chorwacji wobec UE wynika ze stawianych pytań: czy istnieje tożsamość europej­ska i jakie są możliwości zachowania wszystkich elementów chorwackiej konstrukcji tożsamości narodowej z językiem jako jej głównym komponentem w obrębie Unii Europejskiej? Terytorium, język i zwyczaje zyskują bowiem cechy defensywne, stając się w wieloetnicznej Europie czynni­kiem coraz bardziej dezintegrującym, a nie służącym integracji.


Author(s):  
Heather L. Budden ◽  
Connie B. Budden

The unique Czech identity played a role in the countrys joining the European Union. There are a number of distinct characteristics of the Czech identity that are actually quite compatible to membership in the Union. The history of the Czech nation which has a significant impact on the national identity of the country is discussed along with an explanation or definition of national identity. The Czech identity and the European identity are compared and contrasted. Finally, management implications of the Czech identity are discussed.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-130
Author(s):  
Ferenc L. Lendvai

According to a generally accepted conception, members of a nation foster their national identity through assorting their memories of the past, elaborating and preserving their symbols collectively. We have to look for the original unity forming the basis of national unity either in the cohesive force of common origin and residence, or in the self‐conscious contracts of the individuals, or in both. The European Union as such does not have sovereignty; those of the Member States overrule its legislative and executive institutions. Perhaps we can speak about the European Union as a community on a cultural basis. This will raise the question of multiculturalism. Recently an interesting polemic has been developing on the concept and role of Leitkultur. In antiquity the Imperium Romanum, in the Middle Ages the Republica Christiana seem to have been the multicultural forerunners of the European Union.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Mariusz Muszyński

Standardized Awareness. National and European Identity as a Matter of the European Union LawSummarySince the very beginning of the European integration process, the national identity has constituted a problematic issue for the integration as such. The main question was, whether the national identity is an opportunity or an obstacle to the European Union. The national identity constitutes collective awareness – comprising such elements as “material culture” (history, literature, arts, music, folklore), language, spiritual culture (customs, public morality, religion) and legal culture.Initially, the European Union welcomed these distinguished characteristics. The European Union founders believed that for its durability the community needs not only an open economic area but also social diversity. Hence, the Maastricht Treaty establishing the European Union includes an article guaranteeing the national identity of the European Union member states. The obligation to respect the national identity is associated with instruments that are left to the disposal of the member states. In this respect, two groups of treaty provisions are to be distinguished. Some of the existing treaty provisions require that the European Community operate to preserve the national identity (to stimulate, to support and to supplement the member states activities in the field of propagation of culture and history, preservation of national heritage and in non-commercial exchange of literary and art works). Other treaty provisions block Brussels’ (the European Union’s organs) actions against those member states which for the purpose of preserving national identity, infringe the regulations of the European Community.In the Amsterdam Treaty of 1997, its authors introduced a system reconstruction of the ideological foundations of the European Union. Although the national identity has not been replaced with the supranational identity, the new axiological fundament of the united Europe was defined. It should be stressed that the Amsterdam Treaty created so called “European identity” existing parallel to the national identity One of the treaty goals is to transform the national-particularistic way of thinking about the European Union citizens into the “European awareness”. The European Union is obliged not only to support the State Parties’ culture but also to display all of the axiological elements that are common for the entire European continent. Hence, national identity as a sociological value is no more autonomic. The European Union started to create a substrate of the European culture that has gone beyond the simple sum of national’s cultures, which would be the basis for the future European statehood.What remains unanswered is whether the European identity created in such a way poses a threat to the national ties or not. National and European identities are autonomous institutions only on the surface. European standards of human rights protection go far beyond political and economic rights. These standards interfere in customs and traditions and in public morality of nations, trying to find a balance between them. In reality, the danger of such a process is correlated with the nature of the economic integration as well. In the process of creation of the law of the European Union , economic issues are treated with priority. Hence, free trade undermines the protection of works of art, open borders create favourable conditions for the transfer of pornography as well as the trend to re-define the history. Therefore, the authors of the treaties have created a “safety valve” – all of the aforementioned norms which constitute legal instruments of protection of the national values. Hence, the problem consists in their proper use by the member states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-84
Author(s):  
Sanford U. Mba

Recently, the Nigerian Senate passed the Bankruptcy and Insolvency (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill. This is no doubt a welcome development following the continued demand by insolvency practitioners, academics and other stakeholders for such legislation. The call has not only been for the enactment of just about any legislation, but (consistent with the economic challenges faced by businesses in the country), one that is favourably disposed to the successful restructuring of financially distressed businesses, allowing them to weather the storm of (impending) insolvency, emerge from it and continue to operate within the economy. This article seeks to situate this draft legislative instrument within the present wave of preventive restructuring ably espoused in the European Union Recommendation on New Approaches to Business Rescue and to Give Entrepreneurs a Second Chance (2014), which itself draws largely from Chapter 11 of the US Bankruptcy Code. The article draws a parallel between the economic crisis that gave rise to the preventive restructuring approach of the Recommendation and the present economic situation in Nigeria; it then examines the chances of such restructuring under the Nigerian draft bankruptcy and insolvency legislation. It argues in the final analysis that the draft legislation does not provide for a prophylactic recourse regime for financially distressed businesses. Consequently, a case is made for such an approach.


2016 ◽  
pp. 110-136
Author(s):  
Zbigniew B. Rudnicki

The aim of this article is to show what impact the crisis in the European Union, along with the crisis in the euro zone at the forefront, had on European identity, interwoven with the identity of the European Union to such an extent that these terms are often handled as equivalent. Developments and crises situations which exert an influence on European identity were presented with respect to areas of particular importance that affect the way the European Union is identified within the community and abroad. Following issues were discussed: implications of the crisis for the European Union’s international identity, for the European social model (welfare state), for transnational identity (in internal relations) and for unity and solidarity in the European Union. In the conclusion, it is stated that the economic, political and social crises had undermined the gradual development of European / European Union identity among citizens and had an impact on its image in international relations.


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