scholarly journals Hrvatski nacionalni identitet i Europska unija

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 159-170
Author(s):  
Andreja Sršen ◽  
Davor Piskač

Croatian national identity and the European Union The permanent anthropological determinant of men which provides them with a feeling of social security is the feeling of belonging to a larger group of people. Various forms of such affiliations existed in the past. They represent older types of collective relationships, such as tribes, the Greek poleis, medieval kingdoms and the like. All of them exhibit the fundamental features of the “structure” of identity. Nowadays, Croatia being at the doorstep of the Euro­pean Union, the issue of national identity becomes a matter of its internal structure that re­sists integration, yet seeking to become a part of the “European identity structure”. Croatia’s scepticism towards the EU stems from the questions of whether the European identity exists and which possibilities for preserving all the structural elements of Croatian national identity, including language as the main aspect, exist within the European Union. The territory, lan­guage and customs acquire defensive features that are becoming increasingly disintegrating and decreasingly integrating in the multi-ethnic Europe. Chorwacka tożsamość narodowa i Unia Europejska Trwałą determinantą antropologiczną człowieka, dającą mu poczucie bezpieczeństwa spo­łecznego, jest świadomość przynależności do większej grupy. Niegdyś istniały różne formy takiej przynależności, a mianowicie starsze typy związków społecznych, jak plemiona, greckie polis, średniowieczne królestwa itd. Współcześnie te formy przynależności zbiorowej są związane ze strukturą narodową, z państwem-narodem lub też ze strukturą ponadnarodową, jaką jest Unia Europejska. W każdej z nich można znaleźć podstawowe cechy strukturalne w postaci tożsamości narodowej lub ponadnarodowej. Obecnie, kiedy Chorwacja oczekuje na przyjęcie do Unii Euro­pejskiej, kwestia tożsamości narodowej staje się sprawą jej wewnętrznej struktury, która stawia opór integracji, ale jednocześnie chce być częścią ponadnarodowej „tożsamości europejskiej”. Sceptycyzm Chorwacji wobec UE wynika ze stawianych pytań: czy istnieje tożsamość europej­ska i jakie są możliwości zachowania wszystkich elementów chorwackiej konstrukcji tożsamości narodowej z językiem jako jej głównym komponentem w obrębie Unii Europejskiej? Terytorium, język i zwyczaje zyskują bowiem cechy defensywne, stając się w wieloetnicznej Europie czynni­kiem coraz bardziej dezintegrującym, a nie służącym integracji.

Author(s):  
Demi Wilhelmina Maria van Huisseling

Throughout history, humanity has been known to move in groups as a way of surviving, to expand their identity and culture. In Europe this has led to international and civil wars in the past but changed with the creation of the European Union. This chapter analyzes the creation and demarcation of nations during the past, the territorial identity that was formed and the need of the EU to create a European Identity to overcome the threat of independent movements. Secessionist nationalistic movements have gained importance since the economic crisis which started in 2007 and have been rising in different regions and countries of the EU. The main question that needs to be solved in this chapter: How does the EU cope with the rise of new nationalistic movements? It can only be overcome with the creation of a European territorial identity.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-130
Author(s):  
Ferenc L. Lendvai

According to a generally accepted conception, members of a nation foster their national identity through assorting their memories of the past, elaborating and preserving their symbols collectively. We have to look for the original unity forming the basis of national unity either in the cohesive force of common origin and residence, or in the self‐conscious contracts of the individuals, or in both. The European Union as such does not have sovereignty; those of the Member States overrule its legislative and executive institutions. Perhaps we can speak about the European Union as a community on a cultural basis. This will raise the question of multiculturalism. Recently an interesting polemic has been developing on the concept and role of Leitkultur. In antiquity the Imperium Romanum, in the Middle Ages the Republica Christiana seem to have been the multicultural forerunners of the European Union.


Author(s):  
Kreuschitz Viktor ◽  
Nehl Hanns Peter

This concluding chapter explores EU's anti-subsidy instruments, which are designed to address subsidization by other WTO members. After a hesitant start, the EU since 1995 has progressively used the AS instrument to act against subsidization by third-country governments. While initially focusing on relatively clear-cut export subsidies, over time the EU has more and more also countervailed domestic subsidy programmes. This is clearest in the AS cases initiated against China during the past five years, where the majority of the countervailed programmes have consisted of domestic subsidies. In this context, it is important to note that the findings of specificity reached by the EU in cases concerning China are largely based on the use of facts available, resulting from the imposition of very high burdens of proof on the Chinese government that domestic subsidies in fact are not specific.


2021 ◽  
pp. 27-47
Author(s):  
Renaud Dehousse ◽  
Paul Magnette

EU institutions have frequently been reformed since the origins of what is now the European Union (EU), and particularly so over the past twenty years. This chapter explains why and how this quasi-constant change has taken place. It begins by identifying five phases in this history: the founding, consolidation, relaunch, adaptation, and the current phase of reaction to functional challenges. The chapter then assesses the respective weight of state interests, ideas, and institutions in the evolution of EU institutions. In retrospect, institutional change in the EU appears to have followed a functionalist logic, leading to complex compromises that, in turn, prompt regular calls for ‘simplification’ and democratization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-209
Author(s):  
Andrew S. Ross ◽  
Aditi Bhatia

The sweeping tide of populism across the globe has given rise to isolationist sentiments that call for the closing of national borders and a return to nativist roots. This has been most evident in Britain in terms of the controversial vote to exit the European Union (EU) during the 2016 referendum (to Leave or Remain) and more recently with the lead up to a general election and mounting pressure on the government to implement an exit strategy. The most vocal proponent of the “leave” movement was the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), reframing the debate on EU membership in terms of invasion and oppression. This paper focuses on precisely this discursive construction of the EU by analyzing UKIP campaign posters through application of Bhatia’s Discourse of Illusion framework on three levels: historicity (use of the past to justify the present or predict the future), linguistic and semiotic action (subjective conceptualizations of reality made apparent through metaphorical rhetoric), and degree of social impact (emergence of delineating categories through ideological narrative).


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-222
Author(s):  
Heidi Stockhaus

The new free trade agreement with the European Union will bring Vietnam’s economic integration to a new level once it enters into force. In the past, the associated economic growth has led to environmental deterioration due to inappropriate regulations and poor enforcement. Currently, environmental problems are visible everywhere and attract the attention of citizens as well as lawmakers. The new free trade agreement establishes a framework for sustainable development in the context of trade and investment. The relevant provisions aim to maintain Vietnam’s right to regulate for the targeted protection level, require the country to take measures to mitigate the pressure on the environment, and open the door for cooperation with the European Union. However, it remains to be seen, whether these provisions balance the risks associated with the increase in trade and investment through the free trade agreement.


2020 ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Mikhail Grabevnik

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union focused the issue of cleavage of British statehood by European criteria. According to the results of sociological surveys and polls, the distribution of preferences of Brexit is correlated with the national identification matrix. Most Scots and Irish of United Kingdom support remaining the membership in the European Union, while the most English defend soft or hard Brexit. However, the depth of such cleavage underlines the uncertainty in the preferences of citizens who identify as British in general. In the context of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union, the question of the European identity of Scots was also underlines by Scotland's regional political actors. This article is aimed to the analysis of the dynamics of the European identity of the Scottish community in 2016–2020 under Brexit conditions. The author concludes that the share of Scots with European identities increased after 2016, and Brexit was a key factor in the dynamics. At the same time, the actualization of European identity among the Scottish community is connected with the pragmatic strategy of the Scottish community and regional political actors to neutralize the negative economic and social effects of Brexit and plays an instrumental role in the national and European political arenas. The article starts with an excursion to the issues of national identity in the modern United Kingdom in the studies of Western and Russian authors. Then, based on an analysis of sociological data, the question of the European identity of Scots was raised, as well as the role of the national identity of United Kingdom citizens in the issue of membership in the European Union. At the end of the article, author proposes the description of the position and strategy of the Scottish community on the issue of Brexit.


Author(s):  
Ariane Bogain ◽  
Florence Potot

In an era of increased globalisation, the need for a sense of belonging and an identity is becoming more pressing. The way nations form images of others and, conversely, conscious or unconscious images of themselves is becoming increasingly important as these images impact on public opinion and on political and decision-making discourse. With the development of supranationalism in Europe, the age-old notion of European identity has come more and more to the fore. Conflicting interpretations and a general disinclination to consider the matter leave the notion of European identity as polysemic as ever. Furthermore, the expansion of the EU has contributed to blurring this notion, so much so that in the collective psyche, it has become closely linked to the membership of the European Union and it is proving sometimes difficult to dissociate one from the other. In this context, the debate surrounding Turkey’s membership of the EU gives an insight into prototypical and stereotypical representations of Europe. As the controversy has been particularly salient in France, the aim of this study is to explore the European self-conceptions and images of the other through the example of France’s opposition to Turkey’s membership of the EU. For this purpose, opinion polls and the Press will be used as forms of narrative in order to highlight these representations and how they have evolved in time. The first part of the study will concentrate on the arguments put forward to justify the opposition to Turkey joining the EU. The second part will then evaluate how the image of the other contributes to the prototypical representation French citizens have of Europe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-176
Author(s):  
Kinga Kolumbán

Abstract One of the most controversial issues during the 2015 migrant crisis and the subsequent process of reformulating immigration policies by the European Union was that of the mandatory resettlement quota. Hungary and Romania formulated very different positions related to migration, but both were critical regarding the mandatory quota. This study analyses parts of declarations and speeches of two heads of state, Viktor Orbán for Hungary and Klaus Iohannis for Romania, concerning the quota issue, by employing the framework of evaluative language, which focuses on the dialogic, interpersonal aspects of utterances. Beyond the fact of rejecting the quota, Martin and White’s (2005) taxonomy brings to the forefront the linguistic means through which the two speakers evaluate the subject (a problem of logistics that needs a pragmatic approach or a matter of cultural and national identity) and establish (dis)alignment as representatives of their countries (“official voices” of Hungary and Romania) with regard to the EU position.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135-160
Author(s):  
Joanna Michalak-Dawidziuk

This article was written on the basis of the text created by the author as part of the Polish component of the Reducing Early School Leaving in the EU project carried out within the 7th Framework Program of the European Union for the years 2013-2018. The text was prepared when the author followed a research apprenticeship program at the Faculty of Education of the University of Warsaw. The article describes the teacher’s profession over the past fifteen years, placing special emphasis on teachers’ education, teachers’ careers, rules for and structure of employment.


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