Kryzys w Unii Europejskiej a tożsamość europejska

2016 ◽  
pp. 110-136
Author(s):  
Zbigniew B. Rudnicki

The aim of this article is to show what impact the crisis in the European Union, along with the crisis in the euro zone at the forefront, had on European identity, interwoven with the identity of the European Union to such an extent that these terms are often handled as equivalent. Developments and crises situations which exert an influence on European identity were presented with respect to areas of particular importance that affect the way the European Union is identified within the community and abroad. Following issues were discussed: implications of the crisis for the European Union’s international identity, for the European social model (welfare state), for transnational identity (in internal relations) and for unity and solidarity in the European Union. In the conclusion, it is stated that the economic, political and social crises had undermined the gradual development of European / European Union identity among citizens and had an impact on its image in international relations.

Author(s):  
Jörg Luther

This chapter offers a comparative study of social rights in the European and Indian Union. After making an attempt to outline the concept of social rights in Europe that could be compared with the Indian case, the chapter looks at the state of social rights within the European Union, specially the European Social Model and the ways of Europeanization of social policies and their interaction with changing European welfare state systems. It then compares the European Social Charter with the SAARC Social Charter and explores the further opportunities of social rights protection. The chapter suggests that both the regions have something to learn from each other with regard to protection of social rights.


2006 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-77
Author(s):  
Srdjan Redzepagic

In this article is elaborated the actually question which is developed and discussed it the European Union is the European Social Model (ESM). It is a vision of society that combines sustainable economic growth with ever-improving living and working conditions. This implies full employment good quality jobs, equal opportunities, social protection for all, social inclusion, and involving citizens in the decisions that affect them. As the Euro-zone is struggling to move away from a dramatic slump in its economy and while the Lisbon Strategy and its potential for economic growth, strongly needs reactivation, the debates over the Europe have raised again the issue of a sustainable social agenda for the European Union. Recently, Europe's political leaders defined the ESM, specifying that it "is based on good economic performance, a high level of social protection and education and social dialogue". An important topic of the discussion nowadays is the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on services in the internal market so called "Bolkestein directive". The importance of this article is to give us the answer to the following question: would we have French goods available in French supermarkets all over Poland and no Polish services allowed in France? The EU would be unthinkable without the full implementation of the four freedoms. This is a good directive, going in the good direction.


Author(s):  
Simon Duke ◽  
Sophie Vanhoonacker

This chapter focuses on the European Union as a subsystem of international relations. It examines the following questions, taking into account the historical context in which EU foreign policy has developed as well as the theoretical pluralism that has characterized its study. First, how has the EU dealt with its own international relations internally? Second, what are the ideas and principles underlying EU foreign policy? Third, what is the EU's collective action capacity in relation to the rest of the world? The chapter illustrates interstate dynamics as a result of European integration by focusing on the cases of France, Germany, and Benelux (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg). It also considers the EU's international identity and its role as a collective actor.


Author(s):  
Ana Sacara ◽  

The European Union is currently a real catalyst for change regarding the state governance, policy-making and the imposition of social models in the European space. The member States of the European Community have their own ways of developing social policies, which regulate social assistance, social insurance, the organization and functioning of the social services system, etc., yet the European institutions coordinate the adopted regulations and establish common principles, values, and objectives. Nowadays, more and more often, politicians, decision makers, doctrinaire people question the concept of “European social model” and prerogatives for its development. In this context, we set out to analyze the concept and features of the European social model and to identify existing social models at EU level.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 394-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Crowley

With expansion of the European Union (EU), the transformation of industrial relations in Eastern Europe becomes increasingly important. Studies on labor relations in post-communist countries have flourished in recent years, yet these studies have not reached a consensus on what they seek to explain. Is labor in post-communist societies weak or (in some countries) strong? And strong or weak compared to what? To the extent labor is weak, what would explain this weakness? This study demonstrates that labor is indeed a weak social and political actor in post-communist societies, especially when compared to labor in Western Europe. The article examines a number of hypotheses that have been proposed to explain labor’s weakness, concluding that the institutional and ideological legacies of the communist period best explain this overall weakness. Because labor in post-communist societies more resembles American-style flexibility than the European “social model,” the ability to extend the European model to new EU entrants is questioned.


Author(s):  
Jakub Wiśniewski

In order to join the European Union (EU) Poland had to meet a wide range of conditions including adoption of acquis communautaire, significant administrative reforms and economic restructuring. This article deals with all these EU-membership commitments which directly influenced the Polish social policy, spanning such areas as free movement of persons (mainly workers), labour law, social dialogue, labour market and social inclusion policies and pensions. These changes - even if incremental and evolutionary - made the Polish welfare state more compatible with the European Social Model. Judging from the experience of Poland, the European Social Model (ESM) is far from vague and meaningless ideology. The ESM has had a significant impact on national social policies which is discernible at four general levels: values and general rules, which engender a welfare state philosophy shared by all Member States; Community-enforced social minimum standards; European-level institutional co-operative procedures; and monetary transfers in the framework of cohesion policy. The impact of the EU is visible to a varying degree – ranging from substantial in the peripheral areas such as gender equality or health and safety at work to purely theoretical in fiscal and monetary matters. The Polish welfare state has been heavily influenced by practical day-to-day administrative and institutional co-operation of Poland with the UE.       Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v1i1.159


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Navarro ◽  
John Schmitt

This article begins by challenging the widely held view in neoliberal discourse that there is a necessary trade-off between higher efficiency and lower reduction of inequalities: the article empirically shows that the liberal, U.S. model has been less efficient economically (slower economic growth, higher unemployment) than the social model in existence in the European Union and in the majority of its member states. Based on the data presented, the authors criticize the adoption of features of the liberal model (such as deregulation of their labor markets, reduction of public social expenditures) by some European governments. The second section analyzes the causes for the slowdown of economic growth and the increase of unemployment in the European Union—that is, the application of monetarist and neoliberal policies in the institutional frame of the European Union, including the Stability Pact, the objectives and modus operandi of the European Central Bank, and the very limited resources available to the European Commission for stimulating and distributive functions. The third section details the reasons for these developments, including (besides historical considerations) the enormous influence of financial capital in the E.U. institutions and the very limited democracy. Proposals for change are included.


Author(s):  
Tiia Puss ◽  
Mare Viies ◽  
Reet Maldre

The European social model is a vision of society that combines sustainable economic development with ever-improving living and working conditions. The issue whether or not it is possible to use one so-called European social model in the European Union countries, including in new member states and what it should be like, has been a topic of debates for a long time already. In reality, there are several different social models used in Europe, which interpret the concepts of efficiency and equality differently. The theoretical part of this paper will discuss the European social model and its typology based on research by various authors. We shall compare the social outputs of countries grouped into different model types on the basis of different socio-economic indicators. In the empirical part, we carry out a cluster analysis for positioning new European Union (EU-12) countries into mix of European social models. We concentrate on two of the most important aspects of social systems - monetary poverty/inequality and public policy - and try to classify European Union countries according to their social policy. In the analysis, we also evaluate whether the distribution of EU-15 countries, on the basis of Esping-Andersen’s typology, is the same today after a major enlargement of the European Union. We use different clustering methods such as hierarchical and k-means clustering. The analysis is based on EUROSTAT data; clusters are formed on the basis of 2008 socio-economic indicators for EU-27 countries.


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