Emerging Trends in Political Ownership of Media

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr Atnu Mohapatra ◽  
K G Suresh

Media and politics have a symbiotic relationship. Politicians need media to get the oxygen of publicity and the exposure they need to woo electorate and mould public opinion. With many a media house turning indifferent to their needs an ever increasing number of political parties and leaders are setting up their own small and big media shops to propagate their views, cover up their shortcomings, or to settle scores with their rivals. The Entertainment and Media (E&M) industry broadly consists of four segments i.e. Television, Print, Radio and other media platforms (such as Internets, Film, Out of Home Advertising (OOH), Music, Gaming and Internet Advertising).In today‘s technologically fast moving environment, media plays a significant role. Its inherent ability to reach the masses implies that it has a crucial role in building public opinion and creating awareness among the masses. It also plays a very important role in delineating the economic, political, social and cultural characteristics of a country. Thus, media pluralism is a cornerstone of democracy and this fact should be reflected in the plurality of an independent and autonomous media and in diversity of media content. Print, television, radio and new media such as Internet are the most popular media. The Indian media landscape is witnessing several changes that may have far reaching consequences. Major players are looking for expansion of their business interests in various segments of the print and broadcasting sectors. Many of the Indian media houses are either owned or controlled by political leaders or parties. This paper is an attempt to highlight and understand the political ownership of media in India, its implications for the readers. viewers, listeners and other media users as also the society and polity at large.

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhika Kumar

Political communication sets the context for a conversation between the political leaders and masses. A productive strategy of political communication would be one that successfully mobilizes its recipients for the purpose at hand which could be for a protest or for electoral support. One such strategy of communication and mobilization typical to democratic politics in India is the ‘padayatra’, which while being traditional also has a spiritual lineage. The padayatra was effectively used by Mahatma Gandhi to rally together the masses during the freedom movement, and it continues to be a politically relevant strategy used not only for mobilization but also for partisan gains that capitalize on its imagery. Electoral padayatras provide an opportunity to the politician to interact with voters in a substantive manner, understand their weltanschauung and enable its achievement. The purpose of this article is to map the changing nature of the padayatra and its appropriation by political parties as a tool of political communication.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Godo

While the mainstream new media can be said to play a variety of roles, what is certain is its potential to inform public opinion and our understanding of the world we live in, both on a national and global scale. One of the ways this is accomplished is through the use of authority; the active decision by media outlets to invoke the trust we have in certain voices while reflecting and shaping our notions of the roles of others. When given the choice between experts, political leaders, victims, etc., all genders and cultural backgrounds, whose voices are heard in mainstream media, and as a result, whose influence is reflected in the public's understanding of the world; an understanding so crucial to a functioning democracy? Filing in the gaps in this under researched area, this thesis explores the issue of how authority plays out in the Canadian national context.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Godo

While the mainstream new media can be said to play a variety of roles, what is certain is its potential to inform public opinion and our understanding of the world we live in, both on a national and global scale. One of the ways this is accomplished is through the use of authority; the active decision by media outlets to invoke the trust we have in certain voices while reflecting and shaping our notions of the roles of others. When given the choice between experts, political leaders, victims, etc., all genders and cultural backgrounds, whose voices are heard in mainstream media, and as a result, whose influence is reflected in the public's understanding of the world; an understanding so crucial to a functioning democracy? Filing in the gaps in this under researched area, this thesis explores the issue of how authority plays out in the Canadian national context.


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

The chapter summarizes the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, identifying three arguments from comparative welfare state and party research likely to be relevant to the relationship between immigration and welfare state retrenchment: public opinion, welfare institutions, and political parties. Alignment of anti-immigrant sentiments and welfare support varies considerably between countries, especially between the US and Europe, leading to different party incentives vis-à-vis welfare state retrenchment. The chapter introduces insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the debate, discussing inter alia, political parties in terms of welfare retrenchment, immigrants as a voter group, and cross-national variation of existing welfare institutions. It addresses the complex debates around attitudinal change caused by immigration, levels of welfare support, voting behavior, and social expenditures. Combining these strands of literature, a common theoretical framework is developed that is subsequently applied to both the US and Western European context.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172199363
Author(s):  
Raimondas Ibenskas ◽  
Jonathan Polk

Are political parties in young democracies responsive to the policy preferences of the public? Compared to extensive scholarship on party responsiveness in established democracies, research on party responsiveness in young democracies is limited. We argue that weaker programmatic party–voter linkages in post-communist democracies create incentives for parties to respond to their supporters rather than the more general electorate. Such responsiveness occurs in two ways. First, parties follow shifts in the mean position of their supporters. Second, drawing on the research on party–voter congruence, we argue that parties adjust their policy positions to eliminate previous incongruence between themselves and their supporters. Analyses based on a comprehensive dataset that uses expert surveys, parties’ manifestoes and election surveys to measure parties’ positions, and several cross-national and national surveys to measure voters’ preferences provide strong support for this argument.


Author(s):  
Mike Goode

Romantic Capabilities argues that popular new media uses of literary texts often activate and make visible ways the texts were already about their relationship to medium. Devising and modelling a methodology that bridges historicist literary criticism and reception studies with media studies and formalism, it contends that how a literary text behaves when it encounters new media reveals capabilities in media that can transform how we understand the text’s significance for the original historical context in which it was created. Following an introductory chapter that explains and justifies its approach to the archive, the book analyses significant popular “media behaviors” exhibited by three major Romantic British literary corpuses: the viral circulation of William Blake’s pictures and proverbs across contemporary media, the gravitation of Victorian panorama painters and stereoscopic photographers to Walter Scott’s historical fictions, and the ongoing popular practice of writing fanfiction set in the worlds of Jane Austen’s novels and their imaginary country estates. Blake emerges from the study as an important theorist of how viral media can be used to undermine law, someone whose art deregulates through the medium of its audiences’ heterogeneous tastes and conflicting demands for wisdom. Scott’s novels are shown to have fostered a new experience of vision and understanding of frame that helped launch modern immersive media. Finally, Austenian realism is revealed as a mode of ecological design whose project fanfiction grasps and extends.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Rami Saleh Abdelrazeq Musleh ◽  
Mahmoud Ismail ◽  
Dala Mahmoud

The study focused on the Palestinian state as depicted in the Israeli political discourse. It showed that the Israeli strategy is based on denying the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. Israel's main concern is to protect its national security at all costs. The study showed the Israeli political factions' opposition to the formation of an independent Palestinian state in addition to their refusal to give up certain parts of the West Bank due to religious and geopolitical reasons. To discuss this topic and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted by the researcher. The study concluded that the Israeli leadership and its projects to solve the Palestinian issue do not amount to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This leadership simply aims to impress the international public opinion that Israel wants peace. In contrast, the Israeli public has shown that it cannot accept a Palestinian state, and the public opinion of the Palestinian state is not different from that of the political parties and leaders in Israel.


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