Fight For Media Pluralism Or Just “JanŠA’S War On Media”?

Since Janez Janša’s government has been installed, not a day has gone by that the ruling coalition party, SDS (the Slovenian Democratic Party), has not been accused of undermining the freedom of media or threatening media pluralism. Sometimes, critics go even further in condemning Janša as wilfully subordinating media to politics. Regarding subordination, independent media studies from 2002, 2006, 2007, 2008 and lastly 2020 haveclearly indicated that the media in Slovenia are to a certain extent already under the influence of politics, namely those close to the left circles. Whilst scientific conclusions prove the fact that changes in media legislation are more than needed, the question that arises is whether the proposers are looking at the concept of media pluralism from the right perspective. Leaning on the most recent Media landscape research, this article stands out from the rest as it draws parallels with the state of political pluralism, demonstrating how partial and imbalanced covering of news could lead to the domination of one political spectrum. Further, we do a historical review of the right-wing media policy and bring to light those aspects that have undergone the sharpest criticism when it comes to media pluralism. In addition, new ideas for future research are discussed.

Accelerating Adoption of a Digital Intermediary Tax

The role of the digital platforms as intermediaries to the news has deeply changed the media environment. The chapter focuses on the economic threats to media pluralism, related to the concentration of the market and the disruption of the news media industry, resulting from the digital platforms’ business model; and argues for the role of fiscal policy in redistributing part of the tech dividend and in supporting media plurality. The policy proposal is a digital tax designed to support news media viability and media pluralism. The need for a reform of international corporate tax rules to tackle tax avoidance in the digital economy has been largely debated at OECD and at EU level, with different proposals of a digital tax; less attention has been given to the use of the revenues raised by such a tax. We argue that earmarking part of the digital tax’s revenue to sustain professional journalism is a way to finance a public good that, in the new digital environment, risks being undersupplied. Public media policies should be carefully designed to guarantee fair, objective and non-discriminatory distribution of the resources, to avoid media being captured by political interests. The search for resources to fund the post-Covid economic crisis in most of the EU countries could act as an accelerator of the adoption of a digital tax; to use part of its revenue to support media pluralism may be a structural way to counteract the ‘infodemic’.

Media Pluralism and Democratic Consolidation: A Recipe for Success?

The Tunisian political transition has succeeded in building a working, yet fragile governance beyond ideological and political divides. Political debate across media platforms has become open and dynamic, but the media–politics nexus thrives within a complex system of clientelism forged on shifting alliances between politicians and business tycoons, including recapture by agents of the former regime. The media–politics interplay is taking competitive and antagonistic forms, effectively exacerbating polarized conflicts. This paper reflects on the notions of hybrid media systems, agonistic pluralism, and civic culture, based on data collected in a focus group conducted in Tunis in May 2019 that brought together representatives from media, politics, and civil society complemented by interviews with leading journalists and media stakeholders. This paper argues that the relationship between media and politics is interdependent and marked by confrontation and adaption; the uncertainty of the transition is leading to a complex and volatile power struggle in which neither media nor politics have the upper hand in defining the terms of the game. This ambivalent relationship, taking place within a new system of clientelism, has had a mixed outcome on the process of democratic consolidation.

Media ownership transparency in Europe: Closing the gap between European aspiration and domestic reality

This article examines media ownership transparency through the lens of European human rights policy and evaluates media ownership transparency in over 30 European countries based on data returned to the Media Pluralism Monitor. Using these data, we examine the existence and quality of two types of disclosure, ‘upwards’, to public bodies and ‘downwards’, directly to the public, enabling both the monitory and informational functions of ownership transparency to be fulfilled. We conclude that regulation is patchy and variable across Europe and that a coordinated, multi-actor approach is necessary to give effect to internationally recognized standards in the field.

Towards an Operational Capacity of MIL Cities

Growing up in the intermediated society means that every citizen now­ adays is a unique commentator, creator and communicator of informa­ tion and knowledge, hence the issue of empowerment falls upon struc­ tured mechanisms that primarily shall be regulated by the State. The most optimum tool towards enabling, resilient and mediated societies is an upscaled Media and Information Literacy (MIL) ecosystem that will promote free expression and media pluralism, acting as a poten­ tial barometer towards knowledge­based, all­inclusive MIL societies. The core challenge for a media and information policy paradigm lies in the establishment of active monitoring mechanisms in the form of MIL indicators. The increasing mobility on MIL policy initiatives globally is not (always) seconded by relevant indicators and assessment mecha­ nisms, key constituents for a pluralistic media dynamic for all. It is im­ perative, thus, to set up a digital media policy infrastructure that may be measured with certain indicators on media and information literacy. Based on the presentation in UNESCO Global MIL Feature Conference (24–25 October 2018, Kaunas, Lithuania), this paper endeavors to pro­ pose a media and information literacy infrastructure from a policy per­ spective, towards modern­day UNESCO MIL societies.

Government repression disguised as anti-disinformation action: Digital journalists’ perception of COVID-19 policies in Hungary

During the first wave of the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic of 2020, the Hungarian government has increased its control over the flow of official information. Its actions were justified with the aim of stopping the spread of misinformation and rumours that could jeopardize its efforts to successfully tackle the pandemic. However, media practitioners, watchdogs and politicians in Hungary and abroad criticized the measures for their adverse effects on the right to information, the freedom of expression, and especially for their potential chilling effect on the work of journalists. This interview-based study examines how journalists in digital newsrooms have perceived the measures imposed during the pandemic, and how those have impacted their daily work. As evidence from digital newsrooms shows, the malign policy had only limited adverse effects on the work of newsrooms. Media pluralism, however, was further decreased in the country through the governing political elite’s interference in the media economy.

Russia’s law ‘On news aggregators’: Control the news feed, control the news?

On 1 January 2017, a Russian federal law (№ 208-FZ) came into force that holds news aggregators liable for spreading fake news. Links to news items that originate from registered media outlets – a state-regulated category – are, however, exempt from liability. As a result, news aggregators, such as Yandex News, have revised their algorithms to avoid legal claims. This article argues that the law has created a mechanism of indirect media control enabling the Russian state to influence online news dissemination through existing media regulation structures. It conceptualises five ways in which this mechanism can affect media pluralism in Russia’s online news environment, given news aggregators’ function as algorithmic gatekeepers directing traffic to news websites. The article argues that the law ‘On news aggregators’ exemplifies the diversification of Russian regulation of online news from controlling content and targeting content producers towards governing the algorithmic infrastructures that shape news dissemination.