scholarly journals PROGRAMAS DE TRANSFERENCIA DE RENTA CONDICIONADA Y POBLACIÓN INMIGRANTE EN ARGENTINA: la restringida accesibilidad a la Asignación Universal por Hijo y al Programa de Respaldo a Estudiantes de Argentina, en el marco del modelo de Desarrollo con Inclusión

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 611 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verónica de Avila

Contemplando que los Programas de Transferencia de Renta Condicionada (PTRC) adquirieron relevancia en el siglo XXI en América Latina y el Caribe, a partir de un análisis bibliográfico y documental, el artículo problematiza la accesibilidad restringida de la población inmigrante a la Asignación Universal por Hijo y al Programa de Respaldo a Estudiantes de Argentina, de los PTRC de gran envergadura enmarcados en el Modelo de Desarrollo con Inclusión Social vigente desde el año 2003 en Argentina. Palabras-clave: Estado, derechos sociales, políticas sociales.CONDICIONAL CASH TRANSFER PROGRAMS AND MIGRANT POPULATION IN ARGENTINA: restricted acces to the Universal Child Assignment and Programme of Suport for Students from Argentina, under the model of Development with InclusionAbstract: Considering that the conditioned income transfer programs(PTRC in portuguese) acquired relevance in the twenty-first century in Latin America and in Caribbean, from a bibliographic and documentary analysis, the article questions the restricted accessibility of the immigrant population to the Universal contribution per Son and the Support Program for Students in Argentina, of the PTRC’s major framed in the current development model with social inclusion since 2003 in Argentina.Key words: State, social rights, social policies.

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 307
Author(s):  
Maria Ozanira da Silva e Silva ◽  
Mónica De Martino Bermúdez

O artigo, referenciado em levantamento bibliográfico e documental e em estudo exploratório sobre os Programas de Transferência de Renda Condicionada (PTRC), em implementação na América Latina e no Caribe, contextualiza e destaca a importância desses programas no campo da proteção social não contributiva. Apresenta proposta de um estudocomparado entre três programas, dos mais significativos no Continente. Indica elementos teórico-metodológicos para orientar e aprofundar o conhecimento da proteção social, considerando a prevalência dos PTRC no âmbito das políticas sociais na América Latina.Palavras-chave: Programas de Transferência de Renda Condicionada, estudo comparado, América Latina.CONDITIONED INCOME TRANSFER PROGRAMS (PTRC) IN LATIN AMERICA: featuring, questioning and constructing a proposal of comparative studyAbstract: The article is based on a bibliographic and documental research and on a survey about the Conditioned Income Transfer Programs (PTRC), in implementation in Latin America and Caribbean. It presents the context and highlights the importance of those programs in the field of the non contributive social protection. The article presents a researchproposal to develop a comparative study among three programs, the most important in the Continent. It also points out the theoretical and methodological aspects to guide and to deep the knowledge about social protection, considering the prevalence of the PTRC in the ambit of the social policies in Latin America.Keywords: Conditioned Income Transfer Programs, compared research, Latin America


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052095131
Author(s):  
Tatiana Henriques Leite ◽  
Claudia Leite de Moraes ◽  
Michael Eduardo Reichenheim ◽  
Suely Deslandes ◽  
Rosana Salles-costa

Several initiatives are being proposed to reduce the incidence of intimate partner violence (IPV) worldwide. Actions aimed at women’s economic empowerment through income transfer programs are one of those. Still, the literature on their impact is scarce and controversial. This study attempts to shed some light on this matter assessing whether the Brazilian Conditional Cash Transfer Program ( Programa Bolsa Família [PBF]) is a protective factor for psychological and physical IPV against women in families of different levels of income. This is a cross-sectional, household-based study conducted in the city of Duque de Caxias, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The sample comprised 807 women reporting some intimate relationship in the 12 months before the interview. Information on IPV and participation on PBF were collected through face-to-face interviews using the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) and a direct question, respectively. A multigroup path analysis was applied to study the relations between PBF and psychological and physical IPV, considering confounding factors, some mediators, and moderation by income. The prevalence of both psychological and physical IPV are high, be it in the poverty and the extreme poverty income strata (psychological IPV: 66.2% and 72.7%, respectively; physical IPV: 26.2% and 40.6%, respectively). Results also showed a positive and direct association between PBF and psychological violence, yet only among families above the poverty line (β = .287, p = .001). The same could be found regarding physical violence, but the effect of PBF was indirect, mediated by psychological violence (β = .220, p = .003). Findings suggest that actions aimed at preventing IPV should go hand in hand with the PBF and, perhaps, other income transfer programs. This is even more relevant in relation to the less extreme poverty group where cash transfer may further raise conflicts and violence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Cypher

From the 1930s until the early 1970s, national industrialization programs in Latin America were part of an effort to introduce social policies that broadened the national market, indirectly creating employment opportunities. Yet, Celso Furtado and other structuralists found the pattern of investment in Latin America predetermined by the unequal composition of aggregate demand, skewed toward the landholding-industrial-financial elite and newly emerged professional strata, leading to constricted employment. In reaction to the inclusive policies urged by the structuralists, insurgent neoliberal policies created a new climate of hostility toward unions and indifference to employment. Neoliberal doctrines deconstructed labor’s eminence, forcing flexibility and precariousness while labor laws and unions were conjured as market distortions. Social neoliberalist, neostructuralist, and neodevelopmentalist regimes arose in the early twenty-first century as a reaction to the failure of neoliberalism to create growth and employment security. These temporary regimes have focused largely on income transfer policies, deploying economic surpluses arising from reprimarization as serendipitous exogenous forces generated export income windfalls from the commodities boom. Fundamental issues such as the pervasiveness of informal work, the recent introduction of flexible employment regimes, and deunionization have not been addressed. Desde la década de 1930 hasta principios de la década de 1970, los programas nacionales de industrialización en América Latina fueron parte de un proyecto para introducir políticas sociales que ampliaran el mercado nacional, generando indirectamente oportunidades de empleo. Sin embargo, Celso Furtado y otros estructuralistas notaron que el patrón de inversión en América Latina estaba predeterminado por la composición desigual de la demanda agregada y favorecía a la élite terrateniente-industrial-financiera y los estratos profesionales recién surgidos, todo lo cual restringía el empleo. En respuesta a las políticas inclusivas instadas por los estructuralistas, las políticas neoliberales emergentes tomaron una postura hostil hacia los sindicatos y trataron la cuestión del empleo con indiferencia. Las doctrinas neoliberales deconstruyeron la eminencia del trabajo, dando lugar a la flexibilidad y la precariedad, mientras que las leyes laborales y los sindicatos se presentaron como distorsiones del mercado. Los regímenes sociales neoliberales, neoestructuralistas y neodesarrollistas surgieron a principios del siglo XXI en reacción al fracaso del neoliberalismo para generar crecimiento y seguridad laboral. Estos regímenes temporales se han centrado en gran medida en las políticas de transferencia de ingresos, utilizando superávits económicos derivados de la reprimarización, ya que fuerzas exógenas coyunturales inesperadas generaron ingresos extraordinarios a raíz del boom de los productos básicos. Sin embargo, no se han abordado cuestiones fundamentales como la omnipresencia del trabajo informal, la reciente introducción de regímenes flexibles de empleo y la destrucción de los sindicatos.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146801812098142
Author(s):  
Wendy Hunter ◽  
Leila Patel ◽  
Natasha Borges Sugiyama

By leveraging a comparison of Brazil’s Bolsa Família and South Africa’s Child Support Grant, this article probes whether and how income transfer programs enhance the standing of women recipients. Empowerment is assessed according to economic decision making, bodily protection and integrity, and psycho-social wellbeing and growth. The comparative analysis determines that regular income assistance boosts the self-esteem and agency of women recipients in both countries. At the same time, it underscores the heightened benefits obtained in Brazil as a result of the cash transfer program being embedded in a stronger public health and social service network. That Bolsa recipients interact with these associated institutions generates multiple downstream benefits. The broader lesson is that income transfer programs need to operate in deliberate coordination with an array of ancillary social service institutions to deliver the maximum benefits for women’s empowerment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariano Féliz

For Ruy Mauro Marini, writing in the mid-1990s, neodevelopmentalism in Latin America ended with the moratoria on debt repayment in Mexico and Brazil in the early 1980s, which ushered in an era of International Monetary Fund control. For him this demonstrated the inability of the Latin American bourgeoisie to achieve autonomy at the international level. Neodevelopmentalism returned in early-twenty-first-century Argentina in the local context of a new class politics and a wider context marked by the emergence of China in the world economy and the influence of Chavismo. It consisted of an economic policy that consolidated the new hegemonic groups led by transnational capital through the superexploitation of labor and nature and the revival of the myth of development expressed by the notion of “growth with social inclusion.” For a time the project was characterized by high rates of profit and high levels of (albeit precarious) employment, but, as the global crisis of 2008 revealed its limitations and the “fine-tuning” of economic policy produced a decline of real incomes and consumption, it led to fragmentation of the political spectrum and a realignment of its principal actors. Mauricio Macri’s election to the presidency in 2015 represented a counterrevolution that, as Marini predicted decades ago, would involve more violent superexploitation and stronger imperialist influence. Para Ruy Mauro Marini, escribiendo a mediados de la década de 1990, el neodesarrollismo en América Latina terminó con la moratoria sobre el pago de la deuda en México y Brasil a principios de la década de 1980, lo que marcó el comienzo de una era de control del Fondo Monetario Internacional. Para él, esto demostró la incapacidad de la burguesía latinoamericana para lograr la autonomía a nivel internacional. El neodesarrollismo regresó en la Argentina de principios del siglo XXI en el contexto local de una nueva política de clase y un contexto más amplio marcado por el surgimiento de China en la economía mundial y la influencia del chavismo. Consistió en una política económica que consolidó los nuevos grupos hegemónicos liderados por el capital transnacional a través de la superexplotación del trabajo y la naturaleza y el renacimiento del mito del desarrollo expresado por la noción de “crecimiento con inclusión social.” Durante un tiempo el proyecto fue caracterizado por altas tasas de ganancia y altos niveles de empleo (aunque precario), pero, como la crisis global de 2008 reveló sus limitaciones y el “ajuste” de la política económica produjo una disminución de los ingresos reales y el consumo, condujo a la fragmentación del espectro político y una realineación de sus principales actores. La elección de Mauricio Macri a la presidencia en 2015 representó una contrarrevolución que, como predijo Marini décadas atrás, implicaría una superexplotación más violenta y una influencia imperialista más fuerte.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evelyn L. Forget ◽  
Alexander D. Peden ◽  
Stephenson B. Strobel

The austerity movement in high-income countries of Europe and North America has renewed calls for a guaranteed Basic Income. At the same time, conditional and unconditional cash transfers accompanied by rigorous impact evaluations have been conducted in low- and middle-income countries with the explicit support of the World Bank. Both Basic Income and cash transfer programs are more confidently designed when based on empirical evidence and social theory that explain how and why cash transfers to citizens are effective ways of encouraging investment in human capital through health and education spending. Are conditional cash transfers more effective and/or more efficient than unconditional transfers? Are means-tested transfers effective? This essay draws explicit parallels between Basic Income and unconditional cash transfers, and demonstrates that cash transfers to citizens work in remarkably similar ways in low-, middle- and high-income countries. It addresses the theoretical foundation of cash transfers. Of the four theories discussed, three explicitly acknowledge the interdependence of society and are based, in increasingly complex ways, on ideas of social inclusion. Only if we have an understanding of how cash transfers affect decision-making can we address questions of how best to design cash transfer schemes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Maria Ozanira da Silva e Silva

O artigo, referenciado em estudo exploratório, tem como objetivo contextualizar e traçar um panorama geral dos Programas de Transferência de Renda (PTRC) em implementação na América Latina e Caribe. Desenvolvendo uma problematização geral sobre esses programas, procura-se indicar traços fundamentais, destacando contribuições e fragilidades estruturais para o alcance do objetivo central que é o enfrentamento da pobreza e da extrema pobreza. Abusca de informações foi centrada nos sites dos programas e em alguns documentos, permitindo destacar a importância desses programas no campo da proteção social não contributiva no âmbito das políticas sociais no Continente.Palavras-chave: Pobreza, Programas de Transferência de Renda, América Latina e Caribe.OVERVIEW OF INCOME TRANSFER PROGRAMS IN LATIN AMERICA AND CARIBBEANAbstract: The article, based on a survey, has as objective to contextualize and to draft a general view about the Conditioned Income Transfer Programs (PTRC) in implementation in Latin America and Caribbean. In order to develop a general problematization about those programs, it was pointed out its main traces, highlighting its structural contribution andweakness to meet the central objective that is to fight poverty and extreme poverty. The search of information was in the sites and some documents, allowing stand out the importance of those programs in the field of the non contributive social protection in the ambit of the social policies in the Continent.Keywords: Poverty, Income Transfer Programs, Latin America and Caribbean.


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