scholarly journals Russia/Nigeria Diplomatic Ties: An Historical Perspective

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 323
Author(s):  
Abimbola Damilola Waliyullahi

The Diplomatic relations between Nigeria and USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) now Russia started over 55 years ago. Russia, being the legitimate heir to the USSR in 1961, opened its Embassy in Lagos with Ambassador Feodor Pavlovich Dolya as the Head of the Mission, Nigeria reciprocated in 1962 in Moscow with Ambassador C.O Ifeagwu as the Head and till this day, both countries have maintained cordial political, economic and cultural relationships but not without some disagreements. However, Soviet involvement in Nigeria, just like in many other African countries diminished greatly in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika (reconstruction) of the middle 80s. With the Cold War continuing and the Soviet economy in shambles, the USSR had little incentive to continue its active presence in Africa. By the time of Soviet Union disintegration in 1991, the country had lost much of its influence and prominence in Nigeria and Africa. Nigeria is a focus of this paper as this article examines Russia/Nigeria diplomatic ties from the historical point of view relying on diplomatic theory as a tool to trace the existing diplomatic ties between the two countries.

Author(s):  
K. Demberel ◽  

The article deals with the issue of Mongolia's foreign policy during the Cold War. This period is divided into two parts. The first period, 1945-1960s, is a period of conflict between two systems: socialism and capitalism. In this first period of the Cold War Mongolia managed to establish diplomatic relations with socialist countries of Eastern Europe, as the “system allowed”. The second period, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, is the period of the conflict of the socialist system, the period of the Soviet-Chinese confrontation. During this period Mongolia's foreign policy changed dramatically and focused on the Soviet Union. This was due to the Soviet investment «boom» that began in 1960s and the entry of Soviet troops on the territory of Mongolia in 1967. The Soviet military intervention into Mongolia was one of the main reasons for cooling the Soviet-Chinese relations. And military withdrawal contributed to the improvement of Soviet-Chinese relations until the mid-1980s and one of the conditions for improving relations with their neighbors. The internal systemic conflict had a serious impact on Mongolia's foreign policy over those years.


Author(s):  
Geoff Eley

Certain facts about postwar Europe seem self-evidently true. Undoubtedly the most salient was the division of Europe and the political, economic, social, and cultural antinomies that separated western capitalism from Soviet-style communism in the overarching context of the Cold War. If the Cold War itself stretched across four decades, from the heightening of international tensions in 1947–1948 to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989–1991, the postwar settlement's reliable solidities had already been breaking apart in the 1970s. The global economic downturn of 1973–1974 ended the postwar boom, shelving its promises of permanent growth and continuously unfolding prosperity. In those terms, the core of the postwar settlement lies in the years 1947–1973. This article explores the single most striking particularity of the post-1945 settlement, namely the centrality acquired by organised labour for the polities, social imaginaries, and public cultures of postwar European societies. First, it discusses democracy as a cultural project during 1945–1968. The article then looks at corporatism and social democracy, and concludes by assessing patterns of stability in Europe during the postwar period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ieva Berzina

AbstractThe article discusses the idea of comprehensive national defence from a wide historical and geographical perspective. Countries facing different security challenges have used the concept of involving the entire society in state defence. From a historical perspective, ‘total defence’, with an emphasis on military components, was used primarily by non-aligned states during the Cold War; the breakdown of the Soviet Union reduced the importance of ‘total defence’; however, the emergence of hybrid threats in the 21st century has contributed to the rebirth of the concept in the form of ‘comprehensive national defence’, for application in circumstances wherein potential adversaries use military and non-military means in an integrated manner.


Author(s):  
Andreas Etges

This chapter explores the role and experience of Western Europe in the Cold War. It explains that Western Europe is not a precise political or geographical entity, and that its role in the Cold War can only be understood in the context of its changing internal dynamics and changing relationship with the United States, the Soviet Union, and countries of Eastern Europe. The chapter argues that Western Europe both shaped and was shaped by Cold War in a political, economic, military, cultural, and ideological sense, and also considers the German question, Franco-German rapprochement and European integration, and military aspects of the Western alliance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Marten Hanura

Russia or formerly known as the Soviet Union has a historically unique cooperation and diplomatic relations with Indonesia. This is because the relationship between Indonesia and Russia has a long history and experiencing ups and downs. The closeness of the two countries was influenced ideologically in the early days of Indonesian independence, and later the rise of the New Order regime influenced the dynamics of Indonesian foreign policy. During the New Order period, the Indonesian government began to freeze all forms of cooperative relations with the Soviet Union. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War era began to change the map of international politics to affect the situation in Indonesia. In the Post-Reformation era, the normalization of relations between the two countries recovered and lasted until the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The purpose of this article is to find out how the changes in the implementation of the foreign policy of Indonesia-Russia during the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono with the previous era and what factors underlie Indonesia's foreign policy towards Russia. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method and using some theoretical concepts in the foreign policy-making process. The results of this study concluded that foreign policy between Indonesia and Russia increased significantly in the Post-Reformation era which no longer saw Russia as a threat as in the New Order era. The cooperation between Indonesia and Russia is implemented in various main areas, prominently is the cooperation in the field of military, social, economic and political.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 2-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Banks ◽  
Robyn d'Avignon ◽  
Asif Siddiqi

AbstractThis special themed section examines the multilayered engagements between Africa and the Soviet Union as a central, if overlooked, global encounter of the mid-twentieth century. We call this worldview and the entanglements it generated the “African-Soviet Modern,” an asymmetrical combination of aspiration, materiality, and practice that was rooted in diverse African states and in the Soviet Union. As an analytical category, the African-Soviet Modern speaks to the gap between the grand rhetorical and ideological scope of the Cold War moment and the relatively discrete channels in which it materialized, which gave this mode of thinking a particular vitality and instability. African-Soviet entanglements unfolded in an expansive and uneven geography that incorporated diverse regions of Africa, the USSR, and beyond. Avoiding the temporal and spatial silos of either Soviet or African history, the four essays in this section focus on the spaces where African and Soviet students, politicians, and scientists interacted with one another, creating “connected chronologies” and complementary archives of evidence. Weaving together documentary and oral sources, these articles recover a global entanglement that was energized by unbounded political, economic, and technological aspiration, but that produced an uneven material footprint in newly independent African states.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Schmidt

This chapter examines the impact of the Cold War on Africa. It explains that while Africa is the least-known Cold War battleground, the United States, the Soviet Union, China, and Cuba became embroiled in the internal affairs of countless African countries. The chapter analyzes the ideologies, practices, and interests of these main external actors and describes the four major arenas of conflict that are representative of broad trends in Cold War intervention in Africa. It also discusses how the Cold War altered the dynamics of local struggles, created unprecedented levels of destruction and widespread instability, and contributed to many of the problems that plague Africa today.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 290-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar Sanchez-Sibony

AbstractThis paper is a reinterpretation of the origins of the Cold War from a novel point of view: Soviet foreign economic policy. It questions two fundamental concepts that have formed the basis for our understanding of that conflict: Soviet autarky, and bipolarity. Soviet autarky has been the basis for an understanding of a “war” that, although never fought on military terms, needed two sides to be so conceptualized. Just as enemies in war can have no areas of meaningful cooperation, so did academics require of these Cold War rivals an all-encompassing enmity. To do so they came to consider the Soviet Union a camp apart, unconnected and hostile to the capitalist order. Scholars required a Soviet Union politically committed to autarky. Using archives from Moscow, however, the article argues that the Soviet Union was not autarkic by political choice and, at length, not autarkic at all. It followed a similar trajectory in international economic engagement as that of the countries in the so-called free world, and what's more, sought to do so. In other words, when one looks at the political economy of Soviet economic relations, the conceptual framework of bipolarity that sustains much of the work on the Cold War becomes difficult to maintain. Instead, I argue, an immensely powerful liberal world order acted on the Soviet Union in ways that should be familiar to scholars of global capitalism.


1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatrice Heuser

With the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact and the collapse of the Soviet Union, we have come to a turning point, perhaps the most important turning point, in the short but complex history of nuclear strategy. The Cold War is now history, albeit the sort of history that we will be living with for a long time yet. It is therefore time to review the policies and strategies of the Cold War in a historical perspective. In this essay, it is NATO's nuclear strategy during the Cold War that will be the subject of such a review.2


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Ayad Rashid Mohammed Al-Karim

The term globalization was commonly used in the last decade of the 20th century, especially at the end of the Cold War, the resulting collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, as well as the absence of ideological competition. Structural changes in the international environment were the opening of political borders and the unilateralization of the United States The United States as a superpower, which led to the reformulation of its policies towards the countries of the world in such a way that devotes the political, economic and cultural subordination of these countries.


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