scholarly journals Responsabilidad Social de Género y obligatoriedad moral = Gender Social Responsibility and moral obligatoriness

Author(s):  
María Medina-Vicent

Resumen: La igualdad entre mujeres y hombres debe ser integrada en la gestión de las empresas. Y es que se trata de una exigencia social válida y vigente que afecta a todas las esferas sociales, desde la política a la economía. Desde nuestro punto de vista, una gestión basada en la ética dialógica habermasiana puede ser el modo más acertado para que las empresas se comprometan con esta tarea. Dicho modelo nos aporta las claves para una gestión empresarial que convierta la igualdad en un valor irrenunciable de la cultura corporativa. En esta línea, la demanda por la ética empresarial y la igualdad de género ha sido incorporada en la agenda política y económica de la Unión Europea, entendida centralmente como un recurso para aumentar la competitividad de los países miembros. Así pues, analizaremos el riesgo que conlleva este discurso de la rentabilidad, a la vez que abordamos la potencialidad de la ética empresarial dialógica y de la Responsabilidad Social de Género para impulsar la igualdad de género en la empresa. Palabras clave: igualdad de género, ética empresarial, responsabilidad social de género. Abstract: The equality between women and men need to be integrated into the business management. It is a valid and current social demand which involves all social fields, from politics to economy. From our point of view, business management based on the Discourse Ethics of Jürgen Habermas can be the most successful way for companies to achieve this aim. This model gives us the key to promote a business management where equality becomes an inalienable value of corporate culture. In this line, the demand for business ethics and gender equality has been incorporated into the political and economic agenda of the European Union, understood as a resource to enhance the competitiveness of member countries. Thus, we will analyze the risk associated with this profitability discourse, while we address the potential of the dialogic ethics for business and the Gender Social Responsibility concept to promote gender equality in companies. Keywords: gender equality, business ethics, gender social responsibility. doi: https://doi.org/10.20318/femeris.2017.3546

2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 91-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colm O'cinneide

The imposition since 1998 of a variety of positive equality duties upon public authorities has attracted comparatively little academic attention. However, these duties are a central part of current government equality initiatives, increasingly constitute a major part of the work of the UK's equality commissions, and have been described as an essential part of a new ‘fourth generation’ of equality legislation. It now appears likely that a positive duty to promote gender equality will soon be imposed upon public authorities, which will complement similar race and disability duties. Will the introduction of this positive gender equality duty add to, detract or complement existing statutory provisions? Given the danger that ‘soft law’ initiatives may undermine existing anti-discrimination controls, will the duty provide a clear steer to public authorities, or will it lack teeth, substance and direction, and possibly even prove counter-productive? Such positive duties are designed to compensate for the limitations of existing anti-discrimination law, by requiring the taking of positive steps to promote equality and eliminate discrimination, rather than just compelling a reactive compliance with the letter of the (equality) law. The justifications in principle for the introduction of such duties are strong: for the first time, the introduction of a positive gender duty will impose a clear legislative obligation upon public authorities to adopt a substantive equality approach and to take proactive action to redress patterns of disadvantage linked to gender discrimination. Serious concerns do however exist as to the extent to which such duties can be enforced, and the danger that they will simply encourage greater bureaucratic activity at the expense of real change. The proposed gender duty, as with the other duties that have been introduced, is no panacea. Nevertheless, it does constitute a good start, can serve a useful function by empowering public authorities to take positive action, and if effectively used will be a very valuable point of pressure to push for better things.


Author(s):  
George Marian ICHIM ◽  
Doina BALAHUR

The existent agreements and beliefs in the organisational culture, predominantly male, resist the possibility to find alternatives to even the chances for promotion in an academic and scientific career for men and women. The more a person identifies with the norms and culture promoted in an institution, the more difficult it is for them to see alternatives. Acker (1990) explain that such persons (who normally have management positions), socialised in the male culture of the academic and scientific world, benefit the most from the existent arrangements and stand to lose the most if the existent practices of the academic world are changed. The European Union has been focusing on a new direction to eliminate gender obstacles in the academic and scientific world. The new approach for activities related to gender equality has focused on academic and research organisations and institutions rather than only on the women themselves. “Administration improvement” has become the new objective. One of the ways this new objective has been implemented concentrated on integrating the gender dimension into research.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (02) ◽  
pp. 373-388
Author(s):  
Oksana Vinska ◽  
Volodymyr Tokar

Purpose – The article aims at discovering classes and clusters of EU member-states considering their levels of economic development and gender equality to foster the enhancement of EU cohesion policy. Research methodology – The methodology includes the grouping by two parameters, economic development and gender equality, and the cluster analysis, the “far neighbor principle”, agglomerative hierarchical classification algorithm and the usual Euclidean distance as the distance between objects. Findings – There are no gender equality laggards among EU member-states. More developed countries belong to gender equality leaders, while there are two gender equality leaders and one gender equality adopter among transition countries. The group of less developed countries consists of six gender equality leaders and seven gender equality adopters. Research limitations – The results of cluster analysis may be impacted by off-shore activity of Ireland and Luxembourg. Practical implications – The EU supranational bodies can use our results to develop more efficient cohesion policy tools to ensure the adherence to the principle of gender equality. Originality/Value – The study is a pioneer one in determining nine classes and five clusters of EU member-states considering their levels of economic development and gender equality, as well as in introducing three types of countries depending on their level of gender equality, namely gender equality leaders, adopters, and laggards.


Author(s):  
Farah Kabir

Climate change is a reality, and poses a serious long term threat to society and to the environment. Much has been written on the negative effects of climate change across the globe focusing on the greater vulnerability of least developed countries and developing countries. Numerous studies back up the argument that “countries that are most vulnerable to the effects of climate change tend to be poorer with a wider gender gap. In contrast, countries that rank high in environmental performance and gender equality, are among the richest nations of the world” (Samy, 2011, p. 100). Women are often denied of their basic rights due to discriminatory social practices and gender blind policies. Impacts of climate change affect life and livelihood of women, and diverse work responsibilities of women augment their exposure to climate hazards. Due to less access or rights to financial and productive resources, information and services that may help them cope with impacts of stresses and shocks, are not present as a result of the gaps in policies, development agendas, thus leaving women in a greater vulnerable condition. Primarily, these are the reasons slowing the progress on achieving overall gender equality. The objective of this paper is to look at the Post 2015 Arrangements. These are numerous international frameworks and agreements ie SFDRR, SDG and the Paris Agreement, that will determine sustainable development for humanitarian response and climate politics as well as policies for the next fifteen years. They focus on development from a climate change and gender equality point of view, in particular how the policies are enabling ‘gender equality', taking common but differentiated responsibilities, and equity, justice and fairness as principles.


2018 ◽  
pp. 855-870
Author(s):  
Farah Kabir

Climate change is a reality, and poses a serious long term threat to society and to the environment. Much has been written on the negative effects of climate change across the globe focusing on the greater vulnerability of least developed countries and developing countries. Numerous studies back up the argument that “countries that are most vulnerable to the effects of climate change tend to be poorer with a wider gender gap. In contrast, countries that rank high in environmental performance and gender equality, are among the richest nations of the world” (Samy, 2011, p. 100). Women are often denied of their basic rights due to discriminatory social practices and gender blind policies. Impacts of climate change affect life and livelihood of women, and diverse work responsibilities of women augment their exposure to climate hazards. Due to less access or rights to financial and productive resources, information and services that may help them cope with impacts of stresses and shocks, are not present as a result of the gaps in policies, development agendas, thus leaving women in a greater vulnerable condition. Primarily, these are the reasons slowing the progress on achieving overall gender equality. The objective of this paper is to look at the Post 2015 Arrangements. These are numerous international frameworks and agreements i.e. SFDRR, SDG and the Paris Agreement, that will determine sustainable development for humanitarian response and climate politics as well as policies for the next fifteen years. They focus on development from a climate change and gender equality point of view, in particular how the policies are enabling ‘gender equality', taking common but differentiated responsibilities, and equity, justice and fairness as principles.


Author(s):  
Vera Lomazzi ◽  
Isabella Crespi

The introductory chapter aims at presenting the most important aspects of the book exploring the European policy strategy for gender equality, known as gender mainstreaming. The book focuses on the historical and socioeconomic changes in Europe regarding gender mainstreaming strategy and gender equality as a concept, while previous contributions focused only on specific aspects (legislation, economy, and politics).Furthermore, the connection between the institutional level of policymaking and the local implementation of European laws in the field of gender equality is an innovative issue because that was not so often connected with the topic of the gender culture of European societies or with their individual opinions/attitudes on gender roles. Lastly, the book explores innovative intersections between the fields of gender policies and survey research in order to investigate how GM policies affect regional gender cultures. In this way the issue of gender mainstreaming is observed as an ‘evergreen’ topicin the context of the changing beliefs, social structure, economics and political configuration of the European Union from the beginning till now, and with some critical points to be addressed for the future (such as economic crises, migration and integration process).


Author(s):  
Kara Ellerby

Gender equality has become a central aspect of global governance and development in the twenty-first century. States increasingly promote women in government, ensure women’s economic rights, and protect women from violence, all in the name of creating a more gender-equitable world. This book, however, challenges the idea that such efforts to include more women can actually promote gender equality. Arguing instead that there is a global “add gender and stir” campaign, in which women and gender have become synonymous, this book interrogates why this campaign has not had a greater global impact. Introducing women’s inclusion as an alternative framing to gender equality, this book delves into the data and research on policies and practices promoting women in public over the last forty years. What emerges is a liberal feminist movement to add women to male-dominated institutions that has done little to challenge binary gender—understood as patterns of masculinities and femininities—and often reinforces it instead. Chapters focus on policies and practices in three areas, including promoting women’s participation in government, increasing women’s economic rights, and protecting women from violence. The book uses “analytical gender” to explain why women’s inclusion is not more emancipatory—exploring how poor implementation, informal practices, gender binaries, and intersectionality remain key issues across all efforts of women’s inclusion. Ultimately all of these efforts have been co-opted by global neoliberal institutions in troubling ways, often reinforcing gender differences rather than challenging them.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Lucie Novotna

The aim of this article is to look critically at the implications of gender equality concepts for individual freedom as conceptualised by the philosopher Isaiah Berlin. The scientific literature addressing the problem of freedom and gender equality with regard to public policy is considerably fragmented. Based on contextual literature, this article will offer four concepts of freedom that serve as analytical categories. I will analyse work/family reconciliation policy tools as introduced at the level of the European Union and reconnect them to three traditions of gender equality. The article reflects on historically embedded dichotomy between positive and negative freedom visible in gendered distinction between public and private. The main findings show that the relationship between freedom and equality is mediated by the selected policy tools suggesting that some policy tools expand freedom of all individuals while others indicate a possible limit for freedom.


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