scholarly journals Deliberate Negligence: Bolsonaro and Brazil’s Failure in Response to COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Yohanes William Santoso

Brasil merupakan negara dengan kasus positif COVID-19 tertinggi kedua di dunia, setelah Amerika Serikat. Kasus penularan dan kematian yang tinggi membuat Brasil dapat dikatakan gagal dalam mencegah penyebaran COVID-19. Terdapat beberapa faktor yang berpengaruh dalam kegagalan upaya Brasil merespon pandemi ini. Salah satunya adalah karena adanya informasi dan instruksi yang berbeda antara Presiden Bolsonaro dengan gubernur-gubernurnya. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji respon Brasil dalam mengatasi pandemi COVID-19 dari rentang waktu sejak kasus pertama pada bulan Februari hingga bulan Juli 2020, serta menjelaskan alasan kegagalan tersebut. Argumen utama penulis adalah kegagalan Brasil disebabkan oleh adanya gejolak dalam politik domestik Brasil, dan kondisi sosial ekonomi di Brasil. Gejolak politik domestik tersebut dibagi menjadi dua yaitu gejolak di tingkat nasional: antara Presiden Bolsonaro dan menteri kesehatannya; dan gejolak di tingkat lokal: antara Presiden Bolsonaro dengan para gubernur negara bagian. Dari segi ekonomi, kondisi Brasil yang masih berusaha memulihkan perekonomian membuat pemerintahan Bolsonaro seolah sengaja melalaikan tanggung jawab untuk mengatasi penyebaran COVID-19. Sementara dari segi sosial, ketimpangan yang ada di Brasil membuat masyarakat yang tinggal di daerah-daerah miskin menjadi paling beresiko tertular karena tidak adanya infrastruktur sanitasi yang memadai. Kata-kata kunci: COVID-19, Brasil, Bolsonaro, kelalaian Brazil is a country with the second highest positive cases of COVID-19 in the world, after the United States. The high number of infected and death cases makes Brazil fail to prevent the spread of COVID-19. There are several factors contributed to Brazil's failure to respond the pandemic. One of the reasons is because of the information and differences between President Bolsonaro and his governors. This paper aims to examine Brazil's response in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic from the timeframe from the first case in February to July 2020, and to explain the reasons for this failure. The author’s main argument is that Brazil's failure was caused by the turmoil in domestic politics and the socio-economic conditions in Brazil. Domestic political turmoil is divided into two, namely turmoil at the national level: between President Bolsonaro and his ministers of health; and turmoil at the local level: between President Bolsonaro and state governors. From the economy point of view, Brazil's condition, which is still in recovery, has made the Bolsonaro administration seem to have deliberately neglected its responsibility to contain the spread of COVID-19. Meanwhile, from a social perspective, the existing inequality in Brazil put people living in poorest regions at the highest risk of infection due to the absence of adequate sanitation infrastructure. Keywords: COVID-19, Brazil, Bolsonaro, negligence

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter H. Koehn

At present, progress in mitigating global GHG emissions is impeded by political stalemate at the national level in the United States and the People's Republic of China. Through the conceptual lenses of multilevel governance and framing politics, the article analyzes emerging policy initiatives among subnational governments in both countries. Effective subnational emission-mitigating action requires framing climatic-stabilization policies in terms of local co-benefits associated with environmental protection, health promotion, and economic advantage. In an impressive group of US states and cities, and increasingly at the local level in China, public concerns about air pollution, consumption and waste management, traffic congestion, health threats, the ability to attract tourists, and/or diminishing resources are legitimizing policy developments that carry the co-benefit of controlling GHG emissions. A co-benefits framing strategy that links individual and community concerns for morbidity, mortality, stress reduction, and healthy human development for all with GHG-emission limitation/reduction is especially likely to resonate powerfully at the subnational level throughout China and the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Nazanin Rezaei ◽  
David Garber

There are many damaged bridges in the United States which are either structurally deficient or functionally obsolete and require replacement or rehabilitation, many using accelerated bridge construction (ABC) techniques. Before a bridge is replaced or rehabilitated, the old structure or component needs to first be demolished. Although the AASHTO LRFD Bridge Design Specification presents minimum bridge design requirements, there is limited information about bridge demolition available for designers and contractors in this field. More study is required to determine best practices in demolition administration and avoid further unintentional events. This study presents the results from a survey prepared and disseminated through a research effort under the Accelerated Bridge Construction University Transportation Center (ABC-UTC). This survey was sent out to all State Departments of Transportation (DOTs). The results of the survey reveal the need for additional guidance in bridge demolition administrations at a national level. According to the results of this study, contractors are the most important part of bridge demolition projects from injuries, fatalities, and responsibility point of view.


2021 ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
Maria do Céu Roldão

This paper discusses some issues and concepts within the current curriculum debate in both a diachronic and international perspective. Recent curriculum changes have been mostly determined by massification of student bodies, bringing into the school system a  variety of social and cultural backgrounds. From the point of view of this analysis, the concept of flexibility is critical in this discussion as it explains the long‑term change of policies from 1990 on, with respect to levels of curriculum decision, namely the articulation between national level responsible for establishing the common core, and local level responsible for adapting curriculum to micro-social contexts. The author refers to this dialectic as curriculum binomial. Contributions from both curriculum research and international macro‑policies are mobilized, in order to clarify the response in our time to the classic curriculum question; What is worth to learn – and therefore to teach – in formal educational systems, so that they may meet the needs of our time, and why? In line with this problematization, we propose an analysis of Portuguese curriculum changes after the implementation of school massification (after the 1960s) and synthesize key‑concepts in international recommendations. Finally, we discuss some implications of this process for teachers and schools.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Guisinger

Chapter 8 asks whether changing the types of information provided to voters would sufficiently move public opinion to make such a strategy viable for political actors. Three original survey experiments explore the role of positive factual information, partisan factual information, and simple altruistic framing in shaping opinions. In the first case, a randomly selected half of respondents watched a trade supportive political campaign ad narrated by John McCain. In the second case, respondents received positive messages from experts about the benefits for the United States of the World Trade Organization and the costs to the United States of responding to Chinese currency manipulation, but the partisan attribution of the expert cited in these messages varied. In the final case, respondents identified in random order their preference for U.S. trade policy and their preference for Chinese trade policy. Although all three affected individuals’ beliefs, those effects were not strong enough to overcome most participants’ support for trade protection. Positive messages also increased, rather than decreased, gender and race gaps in preferences for trade protection. The chapter concludes by arguing that these findings support the decision of most individuals seeking reelection not to embrace pro-trade messages.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Annie Taccolini Pannagio ◽  
Odessa Gonzalez Benson

Policy related to refugee integration focuses on economic factors, while integration is not clearly operationalized nor is it being systematically measured and tracked in policy implementation. This study poses the question, how can local-level integration be conceptualized based on the perspectives of resettled refugees, to add nuance to policy. Using a case study approach with a nation-wide scale, data include 40 interviews and five focus groups with leaders of Bhutanese refugee-run organizations in 35 cities across the United States. Findings illustrate the importance of bonds, bridges and links in non-linear, relational integration. Findings also suggest that better access to services and resources is the responsibility of policy-makers and would lead to stronger bridges over time. This complicates existing policy and implies that resettlement programming should remain individualized and contextual from the ground level to the national level.


Author(s):  
Dedi Arsa

Sawahlunto is a mining town that enjoyed the glory due to coal exploitation by the Dutch colonial government which began in the 1880s. But in the early 1930s to the end of the 1940s, triggered by successive world economic crises (malaise) and various political upheavals during and some time after the Pacific War, this city has experienced a number of long downturns. This paper looks at the effect of economic decline and political turmoil on a city, in this case the City of Sawahlunto as a mining city. Using modern historical methods (historiography, interpretation, interpretation and writing), with an approach to the history of the city, this article reveals several things: First, in the 1930s, due to the world's crisis, coal production was dimming, this caused no new development of the city. Second, in 1942 the Pacific War took place, Japan ruled over the mining company, and Sawahlunto became worse off. Third, after Indonesia gained its independence until the end of the 1960s, Sawalunto did not receive significant improvements, except for a few rebuilt infrastructures. Thus, economic sluggishness and political riot at the global [and national] level have had a direct influence on a city at the local level.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 611-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Trounstine

The study of local politics has been relegated to the periphery of political science and many explanations have been offered for the marginalization of the subfield. I offer three related arguments for why scholars should revisit the study of sub-state politics. First, the local level is the source of numerous political outcomes that matter because they represent a large proportion of political events in the United States. Secondly, there are methodological advantages to studying local politics. Finally, analyzing politics at the sub-state level can generate thoroughly different kinds of questions than a purely national-level focus and can offer different answers to questions that apply more generally. Research on local politics can and should contribute to broader debates in political science and ensure that we understand both how and why cities are unique.


1998 ◽  
Vol 23 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine L. Caldwell

This article analyzes divorce as a technology of governance in twentieth-century America in order to examine the emergence of a rights-based liberal welfare-state regime during the postwar era. The author offers an interpretation of the post–World War II “divorce boom” that challenges prevailing notions of postwar domestic tranquillity and highlights the legal formalization of family relations and the administration of the developing welfare state. The article posits an important shift in postwar public policy regarding divorce from the policing of public morality through family preservation to the regulation of public welfare through family structures. The legal consequences of this shift are explored at the local level by focusing on the “problem” of the Chicago divorce courts and the frustrated attempts of postwar reformers in Illinois to employ the traditional methods and rhetoric of Progressive Era reform. At the national level, the author examines the formulation of new governmental objectives and individual rights in the liberal welfare-state regime through an analysis of the United States Supreme Court's decisions regarding migratory divorce.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Roxana Constanţa Enache ◽  
Ana-Maria Aurelia Petrescu ◽  
Camelia Stăiculescu ◽  
Alina Crişan

Education can, without a doubt, be a long-term solution to the problems of a multi-ethnic and multicultural society. From a defensive and seclusion closure, schools can become places of openings and communication. From an instrument of assimilation and strengthening of nationalistic characteristics, school can become a tool for the formation of young people, which respecting cultural diversity. With the help of sensitization and training actions, of the representatives of the multiethnic institutions of education, as well as of the local public authorities and the representatives of the civil society, the achievement of these objectives and the prevention of possible tensions will be achieved. These actions can turn school into a true community center and allow them to better respond to specific needs. The intercultural perspective must be at the base of the learning process addressed to all, minorities and majority. The implementation of intercultural education activities, especially in communities with a multicultural character, within the part of the curriculum decided by the school, will contribute to a better knowledge among the different communities, but also to the strengthening of the social cohesion at the local level. Also, intercultural education activities should aim to strengthen the links between school and community - civil society, as well as better communication between school and local authorities.In this paper we want to identify the elements of intercultural education existing in the curriculum of the Romanian education and the way in which interculturality can be promoted as a European competence.Intercultural communication as a trainer’s competence should be considered as a priority both from the point of view of European standards and at national level. Therefore, the professors’ concerns should focus primarily on encouraging behaviors, attitudes and values so as to cause the individual to react desirably to fear, anxiety, curiosity, labeling, ethnocentrism etc.; the development of implicit or explicit hierarchical relations between groups and their impact on communication; on exercising the students’ competences to perceive time and space, the rapport between them, the system of values and beliefs, the way of feeling and thinking, the types of behavior, that is, the entire habitus that each individual accomplishes by socializing in the determined cultural environment ; on the development of identity strategies that participants put into practice to defend themselves against destabilization, to affirm their own identity, to integrate in the group, to make a positive image, to differentiate themselves, to individualize


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 60-68
Author(s):  
Antonio L. Vásquez

Since the decade of the 1990s, Tennessee has been recognized as one of the fastest growing receiving states for recent migrant populations at the regional and national level in the United States. In concert with this transformative demographic change, state residents have also witnessed a rise of political nativism in the form of in-state, anti-immigrant legislation and dehumanization of the other. This article seeks to offer insights from coordinating a community-based global studies class project that centers on the experiences and perspectives of recent migrants and their families living in the state, which in turns contributes to a different public conversation at the local level.


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