scholarly journals Curricular policies and flexibility – anathemas and beliefs

2021 ◽  
pp. 97-114
Author(s):  
Maria do Céu Roldão

This paper discusses some issues and concepts within the current curriculum debate in both a diachronic and international perspective. Recent curriculum changes have been mostly determined by massification of student bodies, bringing into the school system a  variety of social and cultural backgrounds. From the point of view of this analysis, the concept of flexibility is critical in this discussion as it explains the long‑term change of policies from 1990 on, with respect to levels of curriculum decision, namely the articulation between national level responsible for establishing the common core, and local level responsible for adapting curriculum to micro-social contexts. The author refers to this dialectic as curriculum binomial. Contributions from both curriculum research and international macro‑policies are mobilized, in order to clarify the response in our time to the classic curriculum question; What is worth to learn – and therefore to teach – in formal educational systems, so that they may meet the needs of our time, and why? In line with this problematization, we propose an analysis of Portuguese curriculum changes after the implementation of school massification (after the 1960s) and synthesize key‑concepts in international recommendations. Finally, we discuss some implications of this process for teachers and schools.

Author(s):  
Dedi Arsa

Sawahlunto is a mining town that enjoyed the glory due to coal exploitation by the Dutch colonial government which began in the 1880s. But in the early 1930s to the end of the 1940s, triggered by successive world economic crises (malaise) and various political upheavals during and some time after the Pacific War, this city has experienced a number of long downturns. This paper looks at the effect of economic decline and political turmoil on a city, in this case the City of Sawahlunto as a mining city. Using modern historical methods (historiography, interpretation, interpretation and writing), with an approach to the history of the city, this article reveals several things: First, in the 1930s, due to the world's crisis, coal production was dimming, this caused no new development of the city. Second, in 1942 the Pacific War took place, Japan ruled over the mining company, and Sawahlunto became worse off. Third, after Indonesia gained its independence until the end of the 1960s, Sawalunto did not receive significant improvements, except for a few rebuilt infrastructures. Thus, economic sluggishness and political riot at the global [and national] level have had a direct influence on a city at the local level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Roxana Constanţa Enache ◽  
Ana-Maria Aurelia Petrescu ◽  
Camelia Stăiculescu ◽  
Alina Crişan

Education can, without a doubt, be a long-term solution to the problems of a multi-ethnic and multicultural society. From a defensive and seclusion closure, schools can become places of openings and communication. From an instrument of assimilation and strengthening of nationalistic characteristics, school can become a tool for the formation of young people, which respecting cultural diversity. With the help of sensitization and training actions, of the representatives of the multiethnic institutions of education, as well as of the local public authorities and the representatives of the civil society, the achievement of these objectives and the prevention of possible tensions will be achieved. These actions can turn school into a true community center and allow them to better respond to specific needs. The intercultural perspective must be at the base of the learning process addressed to all, minorities and majority. The implementation of intercultural education activities, especially in communities with a multicultural character, within the part of the curriculum decided by the school, will contribute to a better knowledge among the different communities, but also to the strengthening of the social cohesion at the local level. Also, intercultural education activities should aim to strengthen the links between school and community - civil society, as well as better communication between school and local authorities.In this paper we want to identify the elements of intercultural education existing in the curriculum of the Romanian education and the way in which interculturality can be promoted as a European competence.Intercultural communication as a trainer’s competence should be considered as a priority both from the point of view of European standards and at national level. Therefore, the professors’ concerns should focus primarily on encouraging behaviors, attitudes and values so as to cause the individual to react desirably to fear, anxiety, curiosity, labeling, ethnocentrism etc.; the development of implicit or explicit hierarchical relations between groups and their impact on communication; on exercising the students’ competences to perceive time and space, the rapport between them, the system of values and beliefs, the way of feeling and thinking, the types of behavior, that is, the entire habitus that each individual accomplishes by socializing in the determined cultural environment ; on the development of identity strategies that participants put into practice to defend themselves against destabilization, to affirm their own identity, to integrate in the group, to make a positive image, to differentiate themselves, to individualize


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 315
Author(s):  
Yohanes William Santoso

Brasil merupakan negara dengan kasus positif COVID-19 tertinggi kedua di dunia, setelah Amerika Serikat. Kasus penularan dan kematian yang tinggi membuat Brasil dapat dikatakan gagal dalam mencegah penyebaran COVID-19. Terdapat beberapa faktor yang berpengaruh dalam kegagalan upaya Brasil merespon pandemi ini. Salah satunya adalah karena adanya informasi dan instruksi yang berbeda antara Presiden Bolsonaro dengan gubernur-gubernurnya. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji respon Brasil dalam mengatasi pandemi COVID-19 dari rentang waktu sejak kasus pertama pada bulan Februari hingga bulan Juli 2020, serta menjelaskan alasan kegagalan tersebut. Argumen utama penulis adalah kegagalan Brasil disebabkan oleh adanya gejolak dalam politik domestik Brasil, dan kondisi sosial ekonomi di Brasil. Gejolak politik domestik tersebut dibagi menjadi dua yaitu gejolak di tingkat nasional: antara Presiden Bolsonaro dan menteri kesehatannya; dan gejolak di tingkat lokal: antara Presiden Bolsonaro dengan para gubernur negara bagian. Dari segi ekonomi, kondisi Brasil yang masih berusaha memulihkan perekonomian membuat pemerintahan Bolsonaro seolah sengaja melalaikan tanggung jawab untuk mengatasi penyebaran COVID-19. Sementara dari segi sosial, ketimpangan yang ada di Brasil membuat masyarakat yang tinggal di daerah-daerah miskin menjadi paling beresiko tertular karena tidak adanya infrastruktur sanitasi yang memadai. Kata-kata kunci: COVID-19, Brasil, Bolsonaro, kelalaian Brazil is a country with the second highest positive cases of COVID-19 in the world, after the United States. The high number of infected and death cases makes Brazil fail to prevent the spread of COVID-19. There are several factors contributed to Brazil's failure to respond the pandemic. One of the reasons is because of the information and differences between President Bolsonaro and his governors. This paper aims to examine Brazil's response in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic from the timeframe from the first case in February to July 2020, and to explain the reasons for this failure. The author’s main argument is that Brazil's failure was caused by the turmoil in domestic politics and the socio-economic conditions in Brazil. Domestic political turmoil is divided into two, namely turmoil at the national level: between President Bolsonaro and his ministers of health; and turmoil at the local level: between President Bolsonaro and state governors. From the economy point of view, Brazil's condition, which is still in recovery, has made the Bolsonaro administration seem to have deliberately neglected its responsibility to contain the spread of COVID-19. Meanwhile, from a social perspective, the existing inequality in Brazil put people living in poorest regions at the highest risk of infection due to the absence of adequate sanitation infrastructure. Keywords: COVID-19, Brazil, Bolsonaro, negligence


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rukuh Setiadi ◽  
Salma Zulfa Nadhiroh ◽  
Christoph Rupprecht

Abstract Despite benefits for human civilization, urbanization has brought an enormous consequence to non-human species. Multispecies planning is a potential solution in response to increasingly insensitive urban planning to non-human species. This paper aims to understand the link between a national regulatory framework and its outcome in terms of urban spatial plan from multispecies planning point of view using indicators such as from protected forest to natural reserve and from ecological corridors to private yards. It examines whether the existing regulatory framework is an obstacle to the practice and implementation of multispecies planning ideas in a city. We employ a content analysis to assess 18 laws and policies at the national level. We also utilize a case study to test the spatial plan outcome in two areas in Indonesia, namely the city of Semarang (Central Java) and Barito Utara Regency (Central Borneo), in which also involve additional content analysis of 4 local regulations accordingly. The study successfully maps out the extent of relative emphasis of each multispecies urban planning indicators according to Indonesian national regulatory frameworks. The study also reveals that regulatory frameworks at the national level do not really determine multispecies urban planning practices at the local level, nor does the status of biodiversity assets owned by a city or region. Improving the literacy of planners, planning committee, and other key decision makers in multispecies planning is pivotal and warrants a further investigation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
V A Sironi ◽  
M A Riva

Abstract The recent epidemic caused by the Covid-19 virus, which originated in China and then spread rapidly, can rightly be defined as the real 'first' epidemic in the social era. In an increasingly globalized world other recent epidemics (but more circumscribed, even if severely more lethal, such as Ebola and Sars) have been experienced with less media and emotional involvement, while the recent epidemic due to the new coronavirus has generated deserving reactions of analysis from an anthropological and social point of view, rather than on a health aspect. In Italy the epidemic event provoked sometimes excessive and irrational psychological reactions (from an unjustified panic to an irresponsible underestimation) and a cognitive distortion on anthropological level (wrong perspective perception of the pathological event). It has also generated disproportionate social repercussions at national level (refusal of stay for subjects coming from the lands in which diseased people are present) and at international level (foreclosure of landing of Italian tourists in some foreign countries). There was also incorrect medical information (confusion between infected - asymptomatic and/or non-hospitalized paucisymptomatic -, real patients with important symptoms - hospitalized - and sometimes in need of intensive care, subjects - the elderly and carriers of other serious diseases - died not for but with the Covid-19 infection) generated and amplified also by the pounding informative role of the mass media and by the news (often inaccurate and generating fake-news) spread in real time through social media. Key messages Irrational reactions must be avoided. Correct medical information are indispensable.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer ◽  
Matthew Stenberg

Abstract Aspiring dominant-party regimes often institute major institutional and political reforms at the national level to ensure they retain control. However, subnational politics is an important, under-studied, component of regime consolidation. This study uses mayoral races in Hungary and Poland from 2006 to 2018 to examine two factors that may inhibit dominant-party regime consolidation in local politics: the use of two-round, i.e. runoff, electoral systems and strategic coordination among opposition parties. While we find little evidence that strategic coordination can lead to widespread opposition success in single-round systems, we do find that increasing the number of candidates decreases the likelihood of the nationally dominant party winning in the first round while not affecting the second round. As such, two-round mayoral elections may be an important buffer to dominant-party regime consolidation and may provide a training ground for the future opposition.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah M. Meltz ◽  
Frank Reid

The Canadian Government has introduced a work-sharing program in which lay offs are avoided by reducing the work week and using unemployment insurance funds to pay workers short-time compensation. Compared to the lay-off alternative, there appear to be economic benefits to work-sharing for both management and employees. Reaction to the scheme has been generally positive at the union local level and the firm level, but it has been negative at the national level of both labour and management. These divergent views can be explained mainly as a result of short-run versus long-run perspectives. Managers at the firm level see the immediate benefit of improved labour relations and the avoidance of the costs of hiring and training replacements for laid-off workers who do not respond when recalled. The national business leaders are more concerned with work incentive and efficiency aspects of work-sharing.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter H. Koehn

At present, progress in mitigating global GHG emissions is impeded by political stalemate at the national level in the United States and the People's Republic of China. Through the conceptual lenses of multilevel governance and framing politics, the article analyzes emerging policy initiatives among subnational governments in both countries. Effective subnational emission-mitigating action requires framing climatic-stabilization policies in terms of local co-benefits associated with environmental protection, health promotion, and economic advantage. In an impressive group of US states and cities, and increasingly at the local level in China, public concerns about air pollution, consumption and waste management, traffic congestion, health threats, the ability to attract tourists, and/or diminishing resources are legitimizing policy developments that carry the co-benefit of controlling GHG emissions. A co-benefits framing strategy that links individual and community concerns for morbidity, mortality, stress reduction, and healthy human development for all with GHG-emission limitation/reduction is especially likely to resonate powerfully at the subnational level throughout China and the United States.


1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 444-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa

THE PORTUGUESE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS OF 19 JULY 1987 initiated a profound change in the Portuguese party system and in the system of government. From 1974 onwards, Portugal had moved peacefully towards a democratic political system, enshrined in the 1976 Constitution. This evolution lasted about eight years and culminated in the revision of the Constitution in 1982. From 1982 onwards the present political regime has been a democratic one, coexisting with a capitalist economic regime attenuated by state monopoly in key sectors and by public companies which were nationalized between 1974 and 1976. It is also since 1982 that the system of government has been semi-presidential. There is pure representativeness as referendums do not exist at national level and have never been regulated at local level. But the government is semi-presidential in the sense that, owing to French influence, it attempts to balance Parliament with the election of the President of the Republic by direct and universal suffrage.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-115
Author(s):  
Mathias Spaliviero

Due to its location, Mozambique suffers from cyclical flooding associated with heavy rains and cyclones. In recent years, extreme flood events affected millions of people, disrupting the economic recovery process that followed the peace agreement in 1992. Despite this natural threat, most of the population continues to live in flood prone areas both in rural environment, due to the dependency on agricultural activities, and in urban environment, since unsafe zones are often the only affordable option for new settlers. This paper presents a brief analytical review on different issues related with urban informal settlements, or slums, based on different project activities developed by the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) in Mozambique. The aim is to identify applicable strategies to reduce vulnerability in urban slums, where approximately 70 percent of the urban population live. The implemented project activities target different organisational levels in an integrated manner, seeking for active involvement of the Government, local authorities and communities at each implementation stage, from decision-making to practical implementation. They consist of three main components: 1) supporting policy-making in order to ensure sustainable urban development, 2) delivering a comprehensive training and capacity building based on the mainstreaming concept of “Learning How to Live with Floods” as valid alternative to resettlement, and 3) facilitating participatory land use planning coupled with physical upgrading interventions at the local level. In the long-term, the intention of UN-HABITAT is to progressively focus on community-based slum upgrading and vulnerability reduction activities, coordinated by local authorities and actively monitored by central institutions, in improving and managing basic services and infrastructures (i.e. water supply, drainage, sanitation, waste management, road network, etc). This type of bottom-up experiences should then represent a basis for setting up a slum upgrading intervention strategy to be applied at the national level.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document