scholarly journals The Crisis of Multiculturalism in Modern Germany

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (SPE2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Viktor Evgenievich Tumanin ◽  
Ildar Kimovich Kalimonov ◽  
Ildar Kimovich Kalimonov ◽  
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova ◽  
...  

Criticism of far-right diversity management strategy has become a major part of European politics. In addition, from Scandinavian countries to Greece, anti-immigration parties and the number of votes has increased among the population concerned about the effects of growing diversity.

2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 116-137
Author(s):  
Sabine von Mering ◽  
Luke B. Wood ◽  
J. Nicholas Ziegler ◽  
John Bendix ◽  
Marcus Colla ◽  
...  

Dolores L. Augustine, Taking on Technocracy: Nuclear Power in Germany, 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2018)Michael Meng and Adam R. Seipp, Modern Germany in Transatlantic Perspective (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017)Cynthia Miller-Idriss, The Extreme Gone Mainstream: Commercialization and Far Right Youth Culture in Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017)Constantin Goschler, ed. Compensation in Practice: The Foundation ‘Remembrance, Responsibility and Future’ and the Legacy of Forced Labour during the Third Reich (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017)Albert Earle Gurganus, Kurt Eisner: A Modern Life (Rochester: Camden House, 2018)Claudia Sternberg, Kira Gartzou-Katsouyanni, and Kalypso Nicolaïdis, The Greco-German Affair in the Euro Crisis: Mutual Recognition Lost? (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2018)


2019 ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quinn Slobodian ◽  
Dieter Plehwe

Since the advent of the European debt crisis in 2009, it has become common to hear descriptions of the European Union as a neoliberal machine hardwired to enforce austerity and to block projects of redistribution or solidarity. Yet by adopting an explanatory framework associating neoliberalism with supranational organizations like the EU, NAFTA, and the WTO against the so-called populism of its right-wing opponents, many observers have painted themselves into a corner. The problems with a straightforward compound of “neoliberal Europe” became starkly evident with the success of the “leave” vote in the Brexit referendum in 2016. If the EU was neoliberal, were those who called to abandon it the opponents of neoliberalism? If the EU is indeed the “neoliberalism express,” then to disembark was by definition a gesture of refusal against neoliberalism. To make sense of the resurgent phenomenon of the far right in European politics, then, our chapter tracks such continuities over time and avoids misleading dichotomies that pit neoliberal globalism—and neoliberal Europeanism—against an atavistic national populism. The closed-borders libertarianism of nationalist neoliberals like the German AfD is not a rejection of globalism but is a variety of it.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers

Empire’s Legacy argues that subcultures in the shadows of society preserve a latent potential for the far right. The nativist cleavage has joined traditional cleavages that shape European politics, and France is a leading example. Dominant explanations overstate the importance of current factors, especially economic distress. This book travels into the imperial past to discover the roots of an enduring affinity for the far right. At its empirical core, Empire’s Legacy dissects the victory of the National Front in Toulon, which in 1995 became the biggest city in postwar Europe to elect a far-right government. This offers insight into the National Front’s success in a region of core support, southern France. Empire’s Legacy also shows what the far right does when it holds local power; and how opponents can dampen its appeal. Ernst Bloch’s ideas about politics and anachronism guide this study.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572199501
Author(s):  
George Newth

Recent literature on the centre–periphery debate in European politics has produced a wide range of composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism and nativism. A number of these definitions, however, tend to overemphasise the importance of populism by either framing it as a core ideology or by conflating it with the nationalism or regionalism of a specific party. This article makes three innovative contributions to populist studies by sustaining an ideational approach to populism and its combination with regionalist and nationalist ideologies. First, the article addresses the varied and at times conflicting composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism by proposing a minimalist ‘populist regionalist’ and ‘populist nationalist’ conceptual framework; this places the emphasis on the type of nationalism and regionalism (left- or right-wing, civic or ethnic) to which populism and (potentially) nativism are attached. Second, by emphasising a clear distinction between populism and nativism, the article adds to a growing field of literature which aims to address the problem of ‘populist hype’. Finally, the contribution of a brief comparative case study illustrates how populism represents a key link between nationalists and regionalists ranging from the far-left to the far-right which are otherwise separated by nativism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Balthazar Tostes ◽  
Carolina Figueiredo Thomaz ◽  
Daiane Carvalho da C. F. Nunes ◽  
Lorrayne Lopes ◽  
Marcelle Moreira ◽  
...  

Este é um artigo escrito a muitas mãos, fruto de um esforço de pesquisa sobre o crescimento de partidos políticos que carregam retóricas populistas de direita, e busca apresentar um balanço sobre sua performance em eleições europeias no ano de 2019. Sabendo-se que o populismo não tem espectro ideológico, funciona como uma estratégia (Muller, 2016), há muito o que se compreender sobre o tema na política europeia contemporânea. Este artigo é uma nota de pesquisa que visa contribuir como fonte de consulta para outras investigações sobre o crescimento da nova extrema direita na Europa. O Artigo procura traçar um retrato do quadro de escolhas eleitorais ocorridas nos países ocidentais da Europa, os primeiros quinze Estados membros que se constituem como democracias mais consolidadas, observando-se tanto eleições nacionais ocorridas no ano de 2019 como as preferências eleitorais expressas nas eleições para o PE nesses países.Palavras-chave: Parlamento Europeu; Eleições Europeias; Extrema Direita.ABSTRACTThis article was written by many hands, it is a result of a research effort about the growth of right-wing populist parties, and seeks to systematize its performance in the European elections in 2019. The populism has no ideological spectrum, it functions as a strategy (Muller, 2016), therefore we have much to understand about the subject in contemporary European politics. This article is a research note that aims to contribute as a source of consultation for further research on the growth of the new far right political ideology in Europe. The article seeks to draw a picture of the electoral choices in Western European countries, the first fifteen member states that constitute more consolidated democracies. The article covers both national elections in 2019 and the electoral preferences expressed in elections to EP in these countries.Keywords: European Parliament; European elections; Extreme Right Political Ideology.Recebido em: 30 nov. 2019 | Aceito em 12 dez. 2019 


Subject Growing nationalism in European politics. Significance In contemporary Europe, far-right parties and extremist voices lack the electoral support to reach the levers of power without mainstream parties’ support. Such parties’ willingness to ally with extremists in government in Austria, Finland, Bulgaria, Denmark and Switzerland, or reluctance to move swiftly to curb nationalist voices in their midst in the United Kingdom, Romania, Poland, Croatia and Hungary, are the main reasons behind the prominent nationalist agenda in Europe and elsewhere. Impacts The increasing inclusion of far-right parties in cabinets will further legitimise societies’ retreat from the values of liberal democracy. Mainstream parties will increasingly feel compelled to make concessions to nationalist electoral preferences. Democratic institutions will continue to weaken in Central-Eastern Europe. EU parties will face mounting challenges in constraining centrifugal forces.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun

Between 2000-2007, ten people were killed in Germany by unknown perpetrators. Four days after the explosion, the missing woman – later revealed as Beate Zschäpe – turned herself in. As the German authorities started to put the pieces together, they recognized that they had discovered the underground cell of at least three wanted neo-Nazis that had gone clandestine in the late 1990s. All in all, the NSU caused the most severe crisis of the German internal security system after the Second World War – a process called by the Federal Prosecutor General Harald Range Germany's 'September 11' in March 2012 (FAZ 2012). By now a total of ten assassinations, three bomb attacks and fourteen bank robberies between 1998 and 2011 were attributed to the NSU and the trial in Munich against the last surviving member – Beate Zschäpe – and the four most important supporters is already the most extensive terror trail in post-Second World War Germany. Instead, according to people who were at the meeting, he spoke extensively about the danger posed by far-right extremists and so-called Reichsbürger, a fringe group that rejects modern Germany and instead adheres to the old German Reich. This represented 'one of the biggest challenges' for Germany's security apparatus. It is quite unfortunate that nowadays we are obliged to talk about far-right domestic terror acts against politicians in Germany who are defending human values. It is time to stop sweeping the serious threats emerging in Western Europe under the rug and face the real problem. It is a fact that certain sections of the Western European societies are moving steadily to far-right quarters feeding from white supremacist and racist ideas.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audrey Ganteil ◽  
Torsten Pook ◽  
Silvia T. Rodriguez-Ramilo ◽  
Bruno Ligonesche ◽  
Catherine Larzul

Creating a new synthetic line by crossbreeding means complementary traits from pure breeds can be combined in the new population. Although diversity is generated during the crossbreeding stage, in this study, we analyze diversity management before selection starts. Using genomic and phenotypic data from animals belonging to the first generation (G0) of a new line, different simulations were run to evaluate diversity management during the first generations of a new line and to test the effects of starting selection at two alternative times, G3 and G4. Genetic diversity was characterized by allele frequency, inbreeding coefficients based on genomic and pedigree data, and expected heterozygosity. Breeding values were extracted at each generation to evaluate differences in starting selection at G3 or G4. All simulations were run for ten generations. A scenario with genomic data to manage diversity during the first generations of a new line was compared with a random and a selection scenario. As expected, loss of diversity was higher in the selection scenario, while the scenario with diversity control preserved diversity. We also combined the diversity management strategy with different selection scenarios involving different degrees of diversity control. Our simulation results show that a diversity management strategy combining genomic data with selection starting at G4 and a moderate degree of diversity control generates genetic progress and preserves diversity.


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