scholarly journals DIFFERENT MANIFESTATIONS OF THE RISE OF FAR-RIGHT IN EUROPEAN POLITICS: THE CASES OF GERMANY AND AUSTRIA

Author(s):  
Selcen ÖNER
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quinn Slobodian ◽  
Dieter Plehwe

Since the advent of the European debt crisis in 2009, it has become common to hear descriptions of the European Union as a neoliberal machine hardwired to enforce austerity and to block projects of redistribution or solidarity. Yet by adopting an explanatory framework associating neoliberalism with supranational organizations like the EU, NAFTA, and the WTO against the so-called populism of its right-wing opponents, many observers have painted themselves into a corner. The problems with a straightforward compound of “neoliberal Europe” became starkly evident with the success of the “leave” vote in the Brexit referendum in 2016. If the EU was neoliberal, were those who called to abandon it the opponents of neoliberalism? If the EU is indeed the “neoliberalism express,” then to disembark was by definition a gesture of refusal against neoliberalism. To make sense of the resurgent phenomenon of the far right in European politics, then, our chapter tracks such continuities over time and avoids misleading dichotomies that pit neoliberal globalism—and neoliberal Europeanism—against an atavistic national populism. The closed-borders libertarianism of nationalist neoliberals like the German AfD is not a rejection of globalism but is a variety of it.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (SPE2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Viktor Evgenievich Tumanin ◽  
Ildar Kimovich Kalimonov ◽  
Ildar Kimovich Kalimonov ◽  
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova ◽  
...  

Criticism of far-right diversity management strategy has become a major part of European politics. In addition, from Scandinavian countries to Greece, anti-immigration parties and the number of votes has increased among the population concerned about the effects of growing diversity.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
John W.P. Veugelers

Empire’s Legacy argues that subcultures in the shadows of society preserve a latent potential for the far right. The nativist cleavage has joined traditional cleavages that shape European politics, and France is a leading example. Dominant explanations overstate the importance of current factors, especially economic distress. This book travels into the imperial past to discover the roots of an enduring affinity for the far right. At its empirical core, Empire’s Legacy dissects the victory of the National Front in Toulon, which in 1995 became the biggest city in postwar Europe to elect a far-right government. This offers insight into the National Front’s success in a region of core support, southern France. Empire’s Legacy also shows what the far right does when it holds local power; and how opponents can dampen its appeal. Ernst Bloch’s ideas about politics and anachronism guide this study.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572199501
Author(s):  
George Newth

Recent literature on the centre–periphery debate in European politics has produced a wide range of composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism and nativism. A number of these definitions, however, tend to overemphasise the importance of populism by either framing it as a core ideology or by conflating it with the nationalism or regionalism of a specific party. This article makes three innovative contributions to populist studies by sustaining an ideational approach to populism and its combination with regionalist and nationalist ideologies. First, the article addresses the varied and at times conflicting composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism by proposing a minimalist ‘populist regionalist’ and ‘populist nationalist’ conceptual framework; this places the emphasis on the type of nationalism and regionalism (left- or right-wing, civic or ethnic) to which populism and (potentially) nativism are attached. Second, by emphasising a clear distinction between populism and nativism, the article adds to a growing field of literature which aims to address the problem of ‘populist hype’. Finally, the contribution of a brief comparative case study illustrates how populism represents a key link between nationalists and regionalists ranging from the far-left to the far-right which are otherwise separated by nativism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Balthazar Tostes ◽  
Carolina Figueiredo Thomaz ◽  
Daiane Carvalho da C. F. Nunes ◽  
Lorrayne Lopes ◽  
Marcelle Moreira ◽  
...  

Este é um artigo escrito a muitas mãos, fruto de um esforço de pesquisa sobre o crescimento de partidos políticos que carregam retóricas populistas de direita, e busca apresentar um balanço sobre sua performance em eleições europeias no ano de 2019. Sabendo-se que o populismo não tem espectro ideológico, funciona como uma estratégia (Muller, 2016), há muito o que se compreender sobre o tema na política europeia contemporânea. Este artigo é uma nota de pesquisa que visa contribuir como fonte de consulta para outras investigações sobre o crescimento da nova extrema direita na Europa. O Artigo procura traçar um retrato do quadro de escolhas eleitorais ocorridas nos países ocidentais da Europa, os primeiros quinze Estados membros que se constituem como democracias mais consolidadas, observando-se tanto eleições nacionais ocorridas no ano de 2019 como as preferências eleitorais expressas nas eleições para o PE nesses países.Palavras-chave: Parlamento Europeu; Eleições Europeias; Extrema Direita.ABSTRACTThis article was written by many hands, it is a result of a research effort about the growth of right-wing populist parties, and seeks to systematize its performance in the European elections in 2019. The populism has no ideological spectrum, it functions as a strategy (Muller, 2016), therefore we have much to understand about the subject in contemporary European politics. This article is a research note that aims to contribute as a source of consultation for further research on the growth of the new far right political ideology in Europe. The article seeks to draw a picture of the electoral choices in Western European countries, the first fifteen member states that constitute more consolidated democracies. The article covers both national elections in 2019 and the electoral preferences expressed in elections to EP in these countries.Keywords: European Parliament; European elections; Extreme Right Political Ideology.Recebido em: 30 nov. 2019 | Aceito em 12 dez. 2019 


Subject Growing nationalism in European politics. Significance In contemporary Europe, far-right parties and extremist voices lack the electoral support to reach the levers of power without mainstream parties’ support. Such parties’ willingness to ally with extremists in government in Austria, Finland, Bulgaria, Denmark and Switzerland, or reluctance to move swiftly to curb nationalist voices in their midst in the United Kingdom, Romania, Poland, Croatia and Hungary, are the main reasons behind the prominent nationalist agenda in Europe and elsewhere. Impacts The increasing inclusion of far-right parties in cabinets will further legitimise societies’ retreat from the values of liberal democracy. Mainstream parties will increasingly feel compelled to make concessions to nationalist electoral preferences. Democratic institutions will continue to weaken in Central-Eastern Europe. EU parties will face mounting challenges in constraining centrifugal forces.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 487-494
Author(s):  
Daniel Mullis

In recent years, political and social conditions have changed dramatically. Many analyses help to capture these dynamics. However, they produce political pessimism: on the one hand there is the image of regression and on the other, a direct link is made between socio-economic decline and the rise of the far-right. To counter these aspects, this article argues that current political events are to be understood less as ‘regression’ but rather as a moment of movement and the return of deep political struggles. Referring to Jacques Ranciere’s political thought, the current conditions can be captured as the ‘end of post-democracy’. This approach changes the perspective on current social dynamics in a productive way. It allows for an emphasis on movement and the recognition of the windows of opportunity for emancipatory struggles.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-226
Author(s):  
Soner Tauscher

Avrupa ülkelerinin alışık olduğu düzenli işçi göçü ve kontrollü sığınmacı alımı Suriye iç savaşının üst düzeye ulaştığı 2013/2014 yılından itibaren önemli bir değişim göstermektedir. Avrupa Birliği, kuruluşundan bu yana en yoğun mülteci göçüyle karşılaşmaktadır. Yaşanan bu kontrolsüz ve zorunlu göçe Avrupa toplumları ve devletleri hazırlıksız yakalanmıştır. Mülteci krizini ekonomik olarak fırsata çevirmek isteyen Almanya ise göçmenler için 2015 yazından itibaren açık kapı politikası uygulamaya başlamıştır. Ancak uygulanan açık kapı politikası Alman toplumunun azımsanmayacak bir kesiminde mültecilere ve Müslümanlara yönelik ağır ve şiddetli bir karşı kampanya ortaya çıkardı. Mülteciler ve Müslümanlar aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin gösterilerinde “tecavüzcü”, “işgalci”, “kriminal dolandırıcılar” vb. sıfatlar ile birlikte anılmakta, medya da bu söylemlerin taşıyıcılığını yaparak kamusallaşmasını sağlamaktadır. Böylece aşırı sağı desteklemeyen, apolitik, ya da sığınmacılara karşı hoşgörülü davranan toplum kesimlerinde kamuoyu oluşturularak sığınmacı ve göçmenlere karşı olumsuz algı gündemde tutulmakta, politik olanın merkezine yerleştirilmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle göçmenlere karşı aşırı sağ toplumsal hareketlerin oluşturduğu olumsuz söylemin McCombs ve Shaw’un Gündem Belirleme Kuramı (Agenda Setting Function) bağlamında medya tarafından siyasetin merkezine nasıl oturtulduğu tartışılacaktır. Ayrıca gündemde tutulan mültecilere yönelik olumsuz söylemin gerçeği yansıtıp yansıtmadığı, göçmenlerin ve sığınmacıların biyolojik Almanlardan daha çok suça meyilli olup olmadığı oluşturulan soyut söylemlerden ziyade Almanya İçişleri Bakanlığı’nın yıllık olarak yayınladığı Emniyet Suç İstatistikleri temel alınarak incelenecektir.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHFar right movements in Germany and evaluation of media discourse of criminal immigrant in the light of official documentsFlows of regular worker migration and regular asylum seekers, of whom European countries are familiar, have significantly changed since 2013/2014 when the civil war of Syria reached its peak. The European Union face probably the most intensive refugee migration since its establishment. European societies and states have not been prepared for this uncontrolled and compulsory immigration. Germany seem to want to turn the refugee crisis into an economic opportunity as evident in their open door policy since the summer of 2015. However, implementation of open-door policy has led a substantial part of German society to a strong campaign against the refugees and Muslims. Refugees and Muslims are referred to as “rapists”, “invaders”, “criminal fraudsters”, and so on in demonstrations of far right movements and media has helped disseminating these discourses. Hence, this manipulated and hateful discourse tries to gain support from the segment of society wh normally does not support far right and often apolitical, or tolerant towards asylum seekers. In this study, the ways in which the negative discourse of far right social movements against immigrants is brought to the centre of the political agenda by media is analysed using the agenda setting framework by McCombs and Shaw. Then, the claims that immigrants are involved in crime, or they are prone to be criminals are analysed and contrasted with the data obtained from the annual Crime and Safety Reports of the German Ministry of the Interior.


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-86
Author(s):  
Jocimar Dias

When Bacurau (dir. Kleber Mendonça Filho and Juliano Dornelles, 2019) was released in Brazil, it was mainly received as a left-wing critique of the rise of the far right in the country’s political landscape. But some critics argued that the feature’s insistence on graphic violence was actually a celebration of barbarism, equating the oppressed villagers to their genocidal oppressors. This article refutes this view, borrowing from the analysis of science-fiction revenge fantasies and also following Foucault’s genealogical perspective. It argues that Bacurau actually reenacts Brazil’s foundational colonial violence through its complex temporality, in order to rediscover the forgotten past of real struggles that remain surreptitiously inserted in all levels of society, perhaps in the hope that new ways of resistance may flourish from its spectatorial experience.


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