scholarly journals As ameaças da Nova Direita na Europa: um balanço das eleições europeias de 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Paula Balthazar Tostes ◽  
Carolina Figueiredo Thomaz ◽  
Daiane Carvalho da C. F. Nunes ◽  
Lorrayne Lopes ◽  
Marcelle Moreira ◽  
...  

Este é um artigo escrito a muitas mãos, fruto de um esforço de pesquisa sobre o crescimento de partidos políticos que carregam retóricas populistas de direita, e busca apresentar um balanço sobre sua performance em eleições europeias no ano de 2019. Sabendo-se que o populismo não tem espectro ideológico, funciona como uma estratégia (Muller, 2016), há muito o que se compreender sobre o tema na política europeia contemporânea. Este artigo é uma nota de pesquisa que visa contribuir como fonte de consulta para outras investigações sobre o crescimento da nova extrema direita na Europa. O Artigo procura traçar um retrato do quadro de escolhas eleitorais ocorridas nos países ocidentais da Europa, os primeiros quinze Estados membros que se constituem como democracias mais consolidadas, observando-se tanto eleições nacionais ocorridas no ano de 2019 como as preferências eleitorais expressas nas eleições para o PE nesses países.Palavras-chave: Parlamento Europeu; Eleições Europeias; Extrema Direita.ABSTRACTThis article was written by many hands, it is a result of a research effort about the growth of right-wing populist parties, and seeks to systematize its performance in the European elections in 2019. The populism has no ideological spectrum, it functions as a strategy (Muller, 2016), therefore we have much to understand about the subject in contemporary European politics. This article is a research note that aims to contribute as a source of consultation for further research on the growth of the new far right political ideology in Europe. The article seeks to draw a picture of the electoral choices in Western European countries, the first fifteen member states that constitute more consolidated democracies. The article covers both national elections in 2019 and the electoral preferences expressed in elections to EP in these countries.Keywords: European Parliament; European elections; Extreme Right Political Ideology.Recebido em: 30 nov. 2019 | Aceito em 12 dez. 2019 

2019 ◽  
pp. 89-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quinn Slobodian ◽  
Dieter Plehwe

Since the advent of the European debt crisis in 2009, it has become common to hear descriptions of the European Union as a neoliberal machine hardwired to enforce austerity and to block projects of redistribution or solidarity. Yet by adopting an explanatory framework associating neoliberalism with supranational organizations like the EU, NAFTA, and the WTO against the so-called populism of its right-wing opponents, many observers have painted themselves into a corner. The problems with a straightforward compound of “neoliberal Europe” became starkly evident with the success of the “leave” vote in the Brexit referendum in 2016. If the EU was neoliberal, were those who called to abandon it the opponents of neoliberalism? If the EU is indeed the “neoliberalism express,” then to disembark was by definition a gesture of refusal against neoliberalism. To make sense of the resurgent phenomenon of the far right in European politics, then, our chapter tracks such continuities over time and avoids misleading dichotomies that pit neoliberal globalism—and neoliberal Europeanism—against an atavistic national populism. The closed-borders libertarianism of nationalist neoliberals like the German AfD is not a rejection of globalism but is a variety of it.


Significance The government consists largely of newcomers and politicians with dubious links to the far right. It embarks upon a five-year reform programme for Austria which is thin on detail but could lead to radical changes. Impacts A tougher stance on migrants and asylum seekers could foster a wider reluctance in some EU states to accept refugees. Major constitutional changes are unlikely as the government would need the support of the SPOe or the small Neos party. Any extreme right-wing tendencies will concern Brussels and Israel, which will keep a close eye on the government. Austria will be an unpredictable ally, sometimes siding with Macron and at other times favouring alliances with Eastern European countries. The SPOe’s loss of office could lead to changes in personnel and programmatic position.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-324
Author(s):  
FERNANDA TARABAL LOPES ◽  
ALESSANDRA DE SÁ MELLO DA COSTA

Abstract Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author uses the label “fascism” to refer to a variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi’s exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. The article also discusses solidarity and the ‘public space of word’, a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and is sought in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. This study uses life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent Brazilian political exile.


Subject Dutch right-wing populism. Significance The Netherlands' newest far-right party, Forum for Democracy (FvD), won the provincial elections on March 20, receiving almost 15% of the vote. The party’s support is expected to grow, and it joins the anti-Islamic Party for Freedom (PVV) as the Netherlands' second major far-right party. Impacts Support for far-right parties will increase pressure on the government to implement populist ideas, especially in cultural affairs. Centrist parties in the European Conservative and Reformist group may try to block the FvD’s admission after the European elections. Policymaking at the national level will become increasingly difficult.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 763-777 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicola Short

This paper explores how to consider the far right in historical-material and psychoanalytic perspective in the current conjuncture. Since the early post-Second World War interventions in this register, both the social relations of capitalism and psychoanalytic theory have evolved, while the problematic of the far-right had been somewhat marginalized as an object of research. This discussion revisits these broad concerns with attention to developments in the characterization of contemporary character structures and social relations. It examines two psychoanalytic approaches – drawn from Kohut and Lacan – that have been mobilized to examine the dominant character structures of late capitalism to consider their complementarity (and differences) with respect to certain psychological functions – defenses, affect and identification – that may offer insight into the far-right in the contemporary moment.


Sociology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marit A. Berntson

Fascism dominated politics and society in the 1920s and 1930s and resulted in one of the world’s most destructive wars. The enormity of the suffering has led to an interest in fascism and its origins, with the hope that understanding what it is and why it occurred will prevent it from happening again. The sociological study of fascism is historical, interdisciplinary, and comparative. A key feature of the scholarship is the debate about fascism’s definition. Because it was the world’s first fascist regime, some claim that the characteristics of Italian fascism under Mussolini should form the basis for the definition, or that Italian fascism is the only instance of fascism. Others argue that the political ideologies and groups that marked the first half of the 20th century had a number of features in common and that, although fascism played out differently in national contexts, a generic definition is possible. Recent scholarship points to a consensus in favor of a generic definition. Fascism promised a solution to the divisions and decay wrought by liberal democracy and communism through mass mobilization, national cleansing, and national rebirth. Roger Griffin said fascism was “palingenetic populist ultranationalism” (Griffin 1993, p. 26, cited under Definitions). Whether fascism manifests as an intellectual current, social movement, political party, or regime also figures in its definition because fascism’s form affects what it can do. Some comparative research focuses on differences between fascism and other authoritarian, conservative, or right-wing groups, as well as relations between fascists and these groups. Since the rebirth that fascism promises usually entails controlling biological and cultural reproduction, women’s roles in fascist ideology and regimes have been the subject of recent studies. Scholars have also likened fascism to religion, for its reliance on myths, symbols, rituals, and commemoration in both ideology and practice, and have studied fascism as an example of totalitarianism, often in comparison to communist Russia. Debates about the definition of fascism are inextricably linked to theories of its emergence. Some scholars explain fascism’s origins by looking at intellectual, cultural, political, or economic factors. Others claim that the only way to understand why fascism occurred is to study its leaders and their intentions (e.g., Adolf Hitler), and its members, voters, and supporters. The definition of fascism and its organizational form also affect which countries are studied, whether for case or comparative analysis. Italy and Germany have received the most attention, but many other countries are the subject of inquiry too. Some scholars have examined dozens of countries in an effort to classify them as fascist or otherwise. The scope of fascist studies expands as new insights emerge, as more disciplines become involved, as new methods of inquiry are developed, and as new sources of data become available, such as archives in Russia, eastern Europe after the fall of the Soviet Union, and the Vatican. Finally, many scholars are preoccupied by the possibility of fascism’s return in today’s far right in countries all over the world. These are studies for which questions about definition and origins are also important, but perhaps more pressing are concerns about the activities of these groups and whether they pose a threat to democracy and, if so, how to contain them.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572199501
Author(s):  
George Newth

Recent literature on the centre–periphery debate in European politics has produced a wide range of composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism and nativism. A number of these definitions, however, tend to overemphasise the importance of populism by either framing it as a core ideology or by conflating it with the nationalism or regionalism of a specific party. This article makes three innovative contributions to populist studies by sustaining an ideational approach to populism and its combination with regionalist and nationalist ideologies. First, the article addresses the varied and at times conflicting composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism by proposing a minimalist ‘populist regionalist’ and ‘populist nationalist’ conceptual framework; this places the emphasis on the type of nationalism and regionalism (left- or right-wing, civic or ethnic) to which populism and (potentially) nativism are attached. Second, by emphasising a clear distinction between populism and nativism, the article adds to a growing field of literature which aims to address the problem of ‘populist hype’. Finally, the contribution of a brief comparative case study illustrates how populism represents a key link between nationalists and regionalists ranging from the far-left to the far-right which are otherwise separated by nativism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 94 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-82
Author(s):  
Sabine Lehner

Right wing and far right parties have recently succeeded in many elections worldwide. The Austrian Freedom Party (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ), one of the most successful right-wing populist parties of Europe, has lately also enjoyed great popularity in regional and national elections. Norbert Hofer, the FPÖ-candidate, even made it to the run-offs of the presidential election in 2016. This paper draws on a discourse-analytical approach and investigates the discursive strategies implemented by the FPÖ during two election campaigns (the 2015 local elections in Vienna and the 2016 presidential elections). Based on various discursive events of both campaigns (speeches, posters, TV-discussions etc.), this contribution examines if recent right-wing populist rhetoric corresponds to well-known patterns or if there have been some shifts.


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-97
Author(s):  
Beatriz Acha Ugarte

This paper analyses the rise of the Far Right in Western Europe and the widespread political, social and scholarly concern due to the extremist parties’ recent electoral performances. It holds that, already since the late 1980s, we are witnessing a new (third) “wave” of right-wing extremism in several European countries —with some of these parties having already undergone electoral and political consolidation— and joins other contributions that approach the issue of their “mainstreaming” process. It presents some data on the Far Right’s electoral and political evolution, which seem to confirm that some mainstreaming did take place in the decades between the 1980s and the 2000s. However, more recently the immigration issue and the “refugees’ crisis” seem to have prompted the radicalisation of many (if not all) of these parties, and even of some parties which were not thought to be extremist. The paper reflects on this process of alleged radicalisation of the Far Right. The conclusion speculates on its future evolution and highlights future avenues for research.Received: 23 February 2018 Accepted: 8 May 2018 Published online: 31 October 2018


Author(s):  
Antonio Pineda ◽  
Núria Almiron

This study examines the ideological slant of Spanish digital-native opinion journalism. Political-ideological pluralism is a well-researched topic in media and journalism studies, yet there is less research regarding this topic when it comes to exclusively online media. This paper addresses that gap concerning the ways online-only opinion journalism can be defined in terms of their political ideology, and to what extent extreme ideological positions are represented in online journalism. Evidence from a content analysis of opinion columns appearing in the most widely-read Spanish online newspapers, during the month of May 2011 shows a general anti-left bias in the opinion sections of the newspapers , as well as a representation of the political extremes that is slightly more lenient with the far right. In line with Hallin and Mancini’s theory of polarized political news environments in countries like Spain, our results show that this polarization is characterized by a strong—but not always explicit—dominance of right-wing views.


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