Politicization of Ethnicity and Related Phenomena

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (8) ◽  
pp. 131-138
Author(s):  
P. Oskolkov
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Social Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Mobilization ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Political Opportunities

In the article, the phenomenon of the politicization of ethnicity is analyzed, together with the related phenomena, i.e. ethnopolitical mobilization (including pan-ethnic mobilization and demobilization), ethnicization of politics and of other social fields for political ends. The author works within the framework of constructivist and ethnosymbolist approaches. The nature, dynamics and actor structure of the processes are considered, and an attempt is made to conceptualize them correctly. The author points at the interconnectedness of the phenomena in the terminological field of the political science as well as at the necessity to distinguish them and adapt ethnopolitical strategies to their variations. The politicization of ethnicity is defined as an attachment of political functions to the ethnic identity. Ethnopolitical mobilization is different in that it has a particular goal. Main factors stimulating ethnopolitical mobilization are: dissatisfaction of a group with different aspects of its status, political opportunities, material and non-material resources available, activities of ethnopolitical elites. Pan-ethnic mobilization employs the wider group identity involving not only actors’ own ethnic group but also other groups close to it within a linguacultural cluster. The ethnicization of politics is defined as the inclusion of ethnic components into the political process. Though both politics ethnicization and ethnicity politicization are typical of majority as well as minority groups, the ethnicization of politics is usually conducted “from above” employing memory archetypes and socially significant symbols. Other social identities, namely religion, sport affiliation, etc. are prone to be ethnicized for political goals, but this process has some important constraints. For instance, religion can be ethnicized if a territorially close ethnic group has other religious affiliation or is less devote; ethnicization of sport depends on a specific historical context. Especially the ethnicization of social discrepancies has a conflict potential and is to be prevented by relevant ethnopolitical management.

scholarly journals Bashkir national interests’ representation within political process of modern Russia: Mechanisms, institutions, and informal practices

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-232
Author(s):  
Vera G. Semenova ◽  
◽  
Olga S. Skorohodova ◽  
Pavel Yu. Zozulya ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Federal Level ◽  
Cultural Organizations ◽  
Official Discourse ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Informal Practices

The article is devoted to the study of the main institutionalized and informal practices of representation of national interests in the political process of modern Russia. By analyzing the process of aggregation of interests of the Bashkir ethnic group, studying the main forms and activities of Bashkir national and cultural organizations, as well as the channels of lobbying the interests of the Republican political elite at the federal level, the authors conclude that there is a serious dissonance between the official discourse and the real mechanisms of representation of national interests. The process of politicization of “ethnicity”, which began in the 90s of the last century, led to the transformation of the national factor into a serious tool for building relations within the “center – regions” system, as well as to the replacement of the interests of ethnic groups with the economic and political interests of regional national elites. This circumstance, in its turn, leads to the priority of non-institutionalized forms of representation of national interests in the political process.

scholarly journals Nigerian Elite and the Culture of Primitive Accumulation

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Stanley Edebiri Egharevba ◽  
Friday Osaru Ovenseri-Ogbomo
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Primitive Accumulation ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
The Masses

Nigeria is endowed with vast human and material resources to engender development but it still continues to luxuriate within the confines of a top speed in reverse to oblivion. As its relics, neocolonialism has given birth to industrialization, urbanization and militarization of the political process which generally has created “sudden billionaires” on one end of the ladder (elected or appointed public officials) and extremely poor masses (unemployed graduates and depressed masses) at the other end of the ladder. This paper basically exposes the developmental retrogressive outlooks of the masses due to primitive capitalist accumulation by the few elites who have piloted the affairs of the nation.

scholarly journals Collaboration in the process of legislative lobbying: A study of a disabled peoples organisation lobbying for change in New Zealand 1989-1993

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nicholas Ruane
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Disabled Persons ◽  
The Political ◽  
Disability Rights ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Human Rights Act

<p>This thesis examines lobbying from the disabled people’s organisation Disabled Persons Assembly (DPA) NZ from 1989 until 1993. It explores how the organisation conducted lobbying activities with respect to two pieces of New Zealand legislation with constitutional significance: The New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 and the Human Rights Act 1993.  This thesis places the plight of minority groups within the political process squarely under the research microscope and asks: what factors explain the different outcomes to the DPA’s lobbying efforts to the Bill of Rights in 1990 and the Human Rights Act in 1993?  More specifically it examines the DPA’s decision to collaborate with the New Zealand Aids Foundation (AF) during the 1993 Human Rights Act campaign. Collaboration with the AF was a controversial decision that resulted in heated discussions within DPA. Some members were concerned about the political risks of aligning with the AF. DPA leadership however saw a possibility for broad human rights legislation, and took the decision to collaborate. They were convinced that collaboration would bring benefits in the form of greater resources, access to Parliament and better relationships with the media which would all lead to an enhanced capacity to make the case to the public.  The thesis argues that by working with the AF, DPA was able to change its lobbying narrative from one solely focussed upon disability rights to one that broadened out to broader human rights protections. DPA was not positioning itself as a minority group arguing for narrow exceptions to existing legislation, a tactic it had pursued in previous campaigns. The campaign proved successful, gaining support from MP’s, as the Human Rights Act was perceived to have public support.  The thesis also shows that to understand DPA’s successful strategy it needs to be seen in the context of a failed effort from a previous campaign. DPA’s campaign to lobby for the 1993 Human Rights Act began from the point of an unsuccessful fight to have disability rights included in the 1990 Bill of Rights. DPA was, in effect, ‘locked in’ to fighting the 1993 campaign from that point.</p>

scholarly journals The unrepresentative house

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 12-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Ozarow
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Real Problem ◽  
Barriers To Entry ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Party Autonomy ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Structural Problems

Purpose – Argues that the British House of Commons is acutely unrepresentative of the population that it serves. A range of party leadership interventions that have sought to increase the possibilities for women and those from minority groups to become MPs are evaluated, but regulating in this way is found to have largely failed. Alternative policy solutions are proposed that seek to increase the “supply” of candidates from such backgrounds. Design/methodology/approach – Conducts document analysis of political parties’ equality and diversity policies and assesses their impact upon their proportion of MPs or parliamentary candidates from minority backgrounds. Findings – Argues that the real problem lies in the lack of engagement in the political process and a shortage of candidates from such backgrounds putting themselves forward for nomination in the first place. Thus, authentic parliamentary diversity cannot be created through enforcement but needs to be fostered organically through supportive longer-term measures alongside electoral reform. Practical implications – Advances the view that greater diversity is required for parliamentary legitimacy but top-down interventions have been counterproductive; barely improving the proportion of MPs from minority backgrounds and actually presenting threats to party autonomy and quality of democracy. Social implications – Shows how structural problems complicate the ease with which women and those from working-class, ethnic minority and disability backgrounds can engage with the political process and then successfully become parliamentary candidates. Reforming the political culture and targeted policies aimed at reversing the barriers to entry may create a more level playing field by encouraging them to stand. Originality/value – Offers a timely case study of the neglected and longstanding lack of representation in Parliament that is uniquely interrogated from an HRM perspective.

Do Latino Christians and Seculars Fit the Culture War Profile? Latino Religiosity and Political Behavior

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Troy Gibson ◽  
Christopher Hare
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Church Attendance ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Religious Commitment ◽  
Religious Tradition ◽  
Gay Marriage ◽  
Culture War ◽  
The Political

AbstractThis article examines the effect of religious affiliation and depth of religious commitment on the political behavior of Catholic Latinos, evangelical Latinos, and secular/unaffiliated Latinos. The culture war theory connects theological conservatism with political conservatism, but because prior research shows that minority groups often have alternate experiences with churches that place religious doctrine and teachings in varying political contexts, it is not clear that Latinos fit the culture war profile. We find that religious tradition and church attendance have an additive but differing impact on ideological and partisan identification as well as various policy preferences on social issues where culture war religious divisions are usually found (abortion, gay marriage, death penalty, and support for Israel) and other non-social issues (universal healthcare and taxing and spending). We find that religiosity has the greatest effect on the political behavior of evangelical Latinos, followed by secular/unaffiliated Latinos and committed Latino Catholics, and that religious tradition is largely consistent in moving evangelical Latinos to the political right and secular/unaffiliated Latinos to the political left.

PERAN JALALUDIN RAKHMAT SEBAGAI AKTOR DALAM PERJUANGAN HAK-HAK MINORITAS DI PARLEMEN

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Depth Interview ◽  
Political Intervention

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.

scholarly journals Collaboration in the process of legislative lobbying: A study of a disabled peoples organisation lobbying for change in New Zealand 1989-1993

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nicholas Ruane
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Disabled Persons ◽  
The Political ◽  
Disability Rights ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Human Rights Act

<p>This thesis examines lobbying from the disabled people’s organisation Disabled Persons Assembly (DPA) NZ from 1989 until 1993. It explores how the organisation conducted lobbying activities with respect to two pieces of New Zealand legislation with constitutional significance: The New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 and the Human Rights Act 1993.  This thesis places the plight of minority groups within the political process squarely under the research microscope and asks: what factors explain the different outcomes to the DPA’s lobbying efforts to the Bill of Rights in 1990 and the Human Rights Act in 1993?  More specifically it examines the DPA’s decision to collaborate with the New Zealand Aids Foundation (AF) during the 1993 Human Rights Act campaign. Collaboration with the AF was a controversial decision that resulted in heated discussions within DPA. Some members were concerned about the political risks of aligning with the AF. DPA leadership however saw a possibility for broad human rights legislation, and took the decision to collaborate. They were convinced that collaboration would bring benefits in the form of greater resources, access to Parliament and better relationships with the media which would all lead to an enhanced capacity to make the case to the public.  The thesis argues that by working with the AF, DPA was able to change its lobbying narrative from one solely focussed upon disability rights to one that broadened out to broader human rights protections. DPA was not positioning itself as a minority group arguing for narrow exceptions to existing legislation, a tactic it had pursued in previous campaigns. The campaign proved successful, gaining support from MP’s, as the Human Rights Act was perceived to have public support.  The thesis also shows that to understand DPA’s successful strategy it needs to be seen in the context of a failed effort from a previous campaign. DPA’s campaign to lobby for the 1993 Human Rights Act began from the point of an unsuccessful fight to have disability rights included in the 1990 Bill of Rights. DPA was, in effect, ‘locked in’ to fighting the 1993 campaign from that point.</p>

scholarly journals Black Lives Matter, COVID-19, and Political Opportunities:

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Turillo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Process Model ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Black Lives Matter ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
Political Process Theory ◽  
Use Of Social Media

 In the summer of 2020, while mired in the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States experienced an unprecedentedly massive wave of protests led by the Black Lives Matter movement. Given the novelty of this upswell and the lack of a clear precedent thereof, there does not yet exist much scholarly analysis into why and how this movement expanded as significantly as it did or what developmental routes it may take as in the future. My research seeks to remedy this gap by employing the political process theory of social movement activity to interpret how the COVID pandemic increased opportunities for insurgent activity, how Black Lives Matter was in a prime position to take advantage of those opportunities, and how the movement can and should approach its future development to retain the support and leverage it accumulated during the 2020 protests. Through informal qualitative analysis rooted in the political process model, I suggest that COVID led to greater public recognition of institutional maladies in the United States, which Black Lives Matter was able to channel toward protest activity thanks to the low-cost, high-reward membership system inherent in its non-hierarchical structure and tactful use of social media. I then briefly consider different developmental paths that Black Lives Matter may take and assert that carefully implemented attempts at formalization will allow the movement to retain its organizing potential regardless of any volatile external opportunities.

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