scholarly journals Political Myth of ‘Shonar Bangla’ and Rising Frustration in Bangladesh

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
MohammadMohammad Shihab Khan

The “Shonar Bangla” (Golden Bangla) political myth met some important historical needs during the time of the nationalistic movements in Bangladesh. However, it is likely to have created excessive expectations in regards to the managerial capability of the nationalists who successfully spearheaded the movements. Following independence in 1971, these nationalists could not translate even a tiny fraction of the myth into reality. Their dire failure in this regard might have produced a feeling of excessive frustration among Bangladeshis and as such, it may have adversely impacted the socioeconomic and political conditions in Bangladesh. By comparing some relevant data of Bangladesh and some of its peer countries (Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Turkey (MITT)), this study finds that the corruption perception index of the preceding year significantly and positively influences the current frustration level in Bangladesh. Despite some limitations of the data set, the findings are intuitively acceptable and instructive for all concerned.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 14-28
Author(s):  
Aris Sarjito ◽  
Ghazalie

Transparency International released an annual report on the corruption perception index in 2018. The survey results of 180 countries showed a bad score because more than two-thirds scored less than 50. The highest score is 100, which means very clean or free of corruption, and the lowest is zero which means it is very corrupt. Indonesia must learn from New Zealand and Australia who have succeeded in helping improve the corruption perception index in their country, even though Indonesia's corruption perception index experienced an upward trend in 2014-2018. In an effort to analyze Good Governance in eradicating corruption in Indonesia, the researchers applied the Penta Helix Model, better known as the ABCGM concept, namely Academicians, Business, Community, Government, and Media to reduce the level of corruption in Indonesia. This research method is qualitative to investigate, find, describe, and explain the quality or features of social influences that cannot be explained, measured or described through a quantitative approach. The Penta Helix model is considered to have a positive influence in eradicating corruption.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Thiago Perez Bernardes de Moraes ◽  
Geraldo Leopoldo Da Silva Torrecillas

El estudio cuantitativo de la corrupción ha crecido en las últimas décadas, abriendo caminos sin precedentes para la pesquisa social. En este trabajo, se hace una comparación transnacional sobre la percepción de corrupción en la función pública desde 2008 hasta 2012. Se trabaja con tres hipótesis: 1) la corrupción es más frecuente en países con menor calidad democrática; 2) todos los indicadores de gobernanza ejercen algún efecto sobre la corrupción; 3) la desigualdad es un importante predictor del nivel de corrupción, aún más que el desempleo. Para probar estas hipótesis se utilizan datos del Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy, Corruption Perception Index, Worldwide Governance Indicators, datos del World Development Indicators y del Banco Mundial, datos estos que calculan el nivel global de desempleo y el índice Gini, que mide la desigualdad de consumo y renta. Los resultados muestran que las dos primeras hipótesis son adherentes, ya que hay alta correlación negativa entre corrupción en la función pública y cualidad de la democracia además de los seis indicadores de gobernanza. La tercera hipótesis muestra relativa adherencia pues, desigualdad de renta y desempleo están correlacionados con la corrupción en el funcionalismo público, sin embargo, la correlación tiene bajo valor de significancia, lo que indica que estos dos factores son apenas parte de un todo entre factores que componen el nivel de corrupción. © Revista Colombiana de Ciencias Sociales.


Author(s):  
Miguel Schloss

For the better part of the last twenty years, a multitude of international conventions, principles, standards have been agreed to strengthen governance and reduce corruption. These have led to a plethora of statements, institutions and regulations, experiments - each with their own valid inner logic. However, if we look for tangible, on-the-ground results, we are in for a big surprise, or rather disappointment. Taken together, the outcomes that have been reported (such as new control and tracking vehicles, anti-corruption legislation, and the like) have been at best intermediate, rather than final results to be sought. Moreover, they have bee difficult to upscale and easy to circumvent by agents that have a dynamism, adaptability and imagination that is difficult to match by the entities and vehicles that have been created to control corruption and facilitate accountability. As a result, impact on the ground remained at best imperceptible in “moving the needle” to achieve tangible progress. It has now been 10 years that some 70 percent of countries worldwide scored poorly (below 50, in a scale of 0 to 100) in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index — with no improvements of significance throughout this period. Growing signs of public discontent strongly suggest a widening gulf between elites and civil societies, and a consequent inability to respond to emerging societal demands. By now, it should be painfully evident that the time has come to take a dispassionately critical review of the approaches taken to date, and see how they need to be recast to respond to the evolving conditions around the world. This article is aimed at contributing to such review and help rethink, where necessary to recast such approaches to generate effective responses for the remainder of the century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-30
Author(s):  
Dian Paisal Putra ◽  
Indra Indra

This current paper examined the determinant of the poverty in the OIC countries. Our empirical model was based on Ibn Khaldun development model that emphasizes several aspects, namely: the country's wealth (proxied by GDP per capita), the role of government (proxied by health and education expenditures), human resources (proxied by HDI), sharia (proxied by corruption perception index), development (proxied by investment), and justice (proxied by Gini index). We used panel data model consisting nine OIC countries over 2003-2012. This study verified that GDP per capita significantly contribute to the reduction of poverty in the OIC countries. We also found that unemployment (as a control variable) encountered a role in triggering poverty in OIC countries. Meanwhile, it found that education expenditure, Gini index, HDI, and Corruption Perception Index found no significant effect on poverty. DOI:  10.15408/sjie.v5i1.3130 


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiago Perez Bernardes de Moraes ◽  
Romer Motttinha Santos ◽  
Geraldo Leopoldo da Silva Torrecillas

As democracias latino-americanas seguem em consolidação, entretanto, ainda estão em estado de incompletude, nesse sentido, a percepção de corrupção parece altamente disseminada. Este trabalho tem o objetivo de testar duas hipóteses sobre a América Latina: 1) o baixo nível de confiança nos partidos políticos e no Congresso Nacional guarda relação com a percepção de corrupção; 2) a percepção de corrupção guarda relação com a qualidade da democracia. Para testar nossas hipóteses utilizamos três bases de dados distintas: 1) dados do corruption perception index, dos anos de 2012 e 2013; 2) dados do Latinobarómetro referentes à confiança em partidos políticos e confiança no Congresso Nacional de 2010 e 2011; 3) dados do The Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy de 2008 a 2011 desenvolvidos pelo The Democracy Ranking Association. Nossos resultados mostram que a percepção de corrupção influencia no nível de confiança no Congresso e nos partidos; indicam também que, países latino americanos com menor qualidade democrática estão mais susceptíveis a altos níveis de percepção de corrupção.


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