scholarly journals Discourse on Creating a Special Environmental Court in Indonesia to Resolve Environmental Disputes

BESTUUR ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Suwari Akhmaddhian

<p>The purpose of this study is to determine the regulation of laws and regulations regarding environmental justice in Indonesia and how the concept of building environmental justice in the justice system in Indonesia. This research can be useful both practically and theoretically, practically. The research method used by researchers is the evaluative analysis method, which is a method of gathering and presenting data obtained to analyze the actual situation and then rational analysis is carried out based on juridical references through library research. The results of the research Regulations on the environment are already available namely Law Number 32 of 2009 concerning Environmental Protection and Management and building an environmental justice system starting from improving human resources namely the Supreme Court by consistently educating and training judges with knowledge of aspects of environmental law life that will later handle environmental cases; The Supreme Court makes a special assembly that handles environmental cases; The Supreme Court creates a special chamber that is integrated with the general court that handles environmental cases; The government is amending the 1945 Constitution specifically Article 24 by adding the judicial environment to the environmental court. The conclusion of the legislation is already available and must be used as well as possible and amend the laws and regulations so that bias can be created specifically for environmental justice.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Building; Environmental; Justice System.</p>

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Aufi Imaduddin

The national exam is a form of national level learning evaluation that has been set by the government to determine student learning outcomes. However, in the implementation of the national exam has a negative impact on students, teachers and schools. So lately there has been a renewed discourse about the elimination of the national examination, it began with the policy of the Indonesian Minister of Education and Culture to abolish the national examination in 2021. Especially if we examine further that legal efforts to stop the implementation of the national examination have existed since 2006 and the peak in 2009 was the decision of the Supreme Court number: 2596 K / PDT / 2008 which in essence required the government to stop the implementation of the national examination before resolving various existing problems. Therefore, the writer is interested in asking logically to think about the urgency of abolishing the national exam after the decision of the Supreme Court. In this paper, the method used by the author is a qualitative method based on social facts that occur based on juridical reasons based on the laws and regulations related to research. The results of this study found that the implementation of the national exam has claimed justice for students in obtaining their human rights in obtaining education that has been mentioned in the 1945 Constitution and is not in accordance with educational thought according to Ki Hajar Dewantara, as well as causing various depressive pressures which have an impact on their minds stressed and suicidal students. The implementation of national exams has also revoked justice for teachers, where teachers in their teaching are supposed to educate students well and develop their students' thinking instincts, with the national examination the teacher only drills students to memorize and do exercises that lead to the national exam. Recalling also that the implementation of national examinations in a juridical manner in the decision of the Supreme Court has violated various laws and regulations regarding education in Indonesia. Therefore, the elimination of the national exam will give back the right to justice for students, teachers and schools according to their respective proportions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 459
Author(s):  
Henry Lbn Toruan Donald

The government has issued Law Number 11 Year 2020 concerning Job Creation (UUCK) on November 2, 2020. Through this law, around 1,200 articles in eighty laws are simplified into one law that regulates the provisions of the replaced laws. The model of simplifying regulations by combining various laws into a law is called the Omnibus Law. The establishment of the UUCK was a form of simplification of regulations related to the job creation process. The statement of the problem of this research is how to harmonize subordinate regulations into law, which was previously an implementing regulation from a law into a law. The research method used is normative juridical which is descriptive analysis. Law No. 12 Year 2011 as amended by Law No. 15 Year 2019 concerning the Establishment of Laws and Regulations states that harmonization was still in the draft stage. Therefore, no provisions govern the harmonization of regulations in force. If there are overlapped regulations both vertically and horizontally under the law, the settlement mechanism is done through the judiciary, namely the Supreme Court. This research concludes that the settlement of the disharmony regulation is resolved through executive review or analysis and evaluation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 422-441
Author(s):  
Ikhsan Azhar

The general public in 2017 hotly debated the implemented selection process of Judges. The focus is on the issue of government involvement in the selection process which potentially jeopardize the judiciary’s independence.  In discussing this particular issue, the author uses a juridical normative or dogmatic approach and other data is collected by the use of library research . In addition, the author also compares the existing policy and rules/regulation concerning judge selection from different government’ era (the Old & New Order). A number of conclusions can be drawn from this comparison, i.e. that during the Old dan New Order Government, the judiciary was never considered independent. The government on a regular basis intervene in the selection process, appointment and placement of judges and have a strong say in their professional carrer path.  In contrast, only after the fall of the New Order Government, did the Judiciary enjoy independence which is guaranteed by virtue of Law 35/1999 and the 1945 Constitution (amended version).  Unfortunately though the Supreme Court decide to bring back in the government in the selection process and in doing that jeopardize the judicary’s independence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Magun Pikahulan

Abstract: The Plato's conception of the rule of law states that good governance is based on good law. The organization also spreads to the world of Supreme Court justices, the election caused a decadence to the institutional status of the House of Representatives as a people's representative in the government whose implementation was not in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court No.27/PUU-XI/2013 explains that the House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only approve or disapprove candidates for Supreme Court Justices that have been submitted by the Judicial Commission. In addition, the proportion of proposed Supreme Court Justices from the judicial commission to the House of Representatives (DPR) has changed, whereas previously the Judicial Commission had to propose 3 (three) of each vacancy for the Justices, now it is only one of each vacant for Supreme Court Judges. by the Supreme Court. The House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only "approve" or "disagree" the Supreme Judge candidates nominated by the Judicial Commission.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 276-293
Author(s):  
Mateusz Radajewski

Summary The article concerns the issue of constitutionality of the reform of the justice system in Poland in 2017–2018, which resulted in significant changes of the functioning of the National Council of the Judiciary and the Supreme Court. When discussing the reform of the Supreme Court, the author first of all points to the constitutional problems associated with the premature retirement of some of its judges, which is also connected with the interruption of the six-year term of the First President of the Supreme Court. A separate issue discussed in the article is the introduction to the Supreme Court the lay judges, which is a unique phenomenon on the global scale. The analyses lead the author to formulate final conclusions, also referring to the European regulations and to refer to the unconstitutionality of the solutions adopted by the Polish parliament.


Author(s):  
Adrian Kuenzler

The persuasive force of the accepted account’s property logic has driven antitrust and intellectual property law jurisprudence for at least the past three decades. It has been through the theory of trademark ownership and the commercial strategy of branding that these laws led the courts to comprehend markets as fundamentally bifurcated—as operating according to discrete types of interbrand and intrabrand competition—a division that had an effect far beyond the confines of trademark law and resonates today in the way government agencies and courts evaluate the emerging challenges of the networked economy along the previously introduced distinction between intertype and intratype competition. While the government in its appeal to the Supreme Court in ...


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-132
Author(s):  
Dariusz Kużelewski

Abstract The objective of the paper is to present the role of the non-professional judge in Poland as an important manifestation of civic culture based on citizens’ activity in the sphere of justice among other things. The paper also highlights the importance of an appropriate selection of citizens who are to adjudicate and possibly place restrictions on access to judicial functions using the example of Polish law. The last part addresses the problem of the gradual reduction of the participation of lay judges in the Polish justice system and the controversial attempts to halt this trend, such as the introduction of lay judges to the Supreme Court and the start of discussions on the introduction of the justice of the peace to common courts.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane

This article argues that the Senate’s refusal to consider the nomination of Judge Merrick Garland to the Supreme Court should be deemed unconstitutional. The Senate’s stonewalling disrespected the institutional needs of the judiciary, violated the constitutional norm of forbearance in the exercise of power, and assumed a Senate role in the appointments process that was never intended. Although no court would ever enjoin a recalcitrant President to make a nomination or an obstructionist Senate to meet with, deliberate over, or vote on a presidential nominee to the Supreme Court or anything else, the President’s and the Senators’ oaths to “support the Constitution” should be understood as entailing a good faith commitment to enabling the government to function.


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