scholarly journals In Search of Moderation of Islam Againts Extremism: A Promoting “Islam Pribumi” By Gus Dur

FIKRAH ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Muzayyin Muzayyin ◽  
Nadia Raifah Nawa Kartika ◽  
Habib Habib
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Fundamentalist Movement ◽  
Global Peace

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-US">Indonesian religious expressions are facing an extraordinary challenge with the emergence of fundamentalist movements affiliated with number of Islamic transnationalist from Middle East, which is rigidly establishing the ideology of "purification" or as so called Islam Kaffah even if to be forced to the all nation. In this Case, Gus Dur presented another alternative religious pattern by promoting the idea of Islam Pribumi or “Islam Pribumi” which mean to respon and againts this scripturalist-fundamentalist movement. Islam Pribumi is intended to provide opportunities for the diversity of interpretations in term of practicing religious life (Islam) in each different region. Thus, Islam is no longer seen as a single, but rather compound. So there is no longer an assumption that Islam in the Middle East is the best representative of Islam. Therefore, this paper attempts to examine Gus Dur's thoughts on Islam Pribumi which is definitly inclusive, tolerant and peaceful Islamic culture, relflecting Islam as rahmatal lil alamin. It is also to offer a model of Islamic Moderation provided a solution in realizing global peace against conflicts between religions and politics that has occurred most recently in a Muslim-majority country like Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Yemen.</span></p>

What Did Conversion to Islam Mean in Seventh-Century Arabia?

Islamisation ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Author(s):  
Harry Munt
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Eighth Century ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conversion To Islam ◽  
Church Father ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Church

In a late seventh- or very early eighth-century Coptic homily anachronistically attributed to the church father Athanasius of Alexandria (d. 373), it is lamented that, following the Arab conquest of Egypt in the early 640s, ‘many Christians, Barbarians, Greeks, Syrians and from all tribes will go and join them in their faith’.1 This prophecy comes across as somewhat hysterical to many modern observers – at least within its seventh-or eighth-century context – since it is now the generally accepted consensus of historians that the processes through which the inhabitants of the conquered territories of the Middle East converted to Islam were extremely gradual and persisted for centuries. Monumental changes to the political, social and religious life of many communities in this region came in the decades and centuries after the conquests – developments to which many non-Muslims fully contributed – but Muslim-majority populations are not thought to have emerged widely until the ninth or tenth centuries at the very earliest.

Oil, Islam, and Women

2008 ◽  
Vol 102 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL L. ROSS
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Resource Curse ◽  
Oil Production ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Work Patterns ◽  
Global Data

Women have made less progress toward gender equality in the Middle East than in any other region. Many observers claim this is due to the region's Islamic traditions. I suggest that oil, not Islam, is at fault; and that oil production also explains why women lag behind in many other countries. Oil production reduces the number of women in the labor force, which in turn reduces their political influence. As a result, oil-producing states are left with atypically strong patriarchal norms, laws, and political institutions. I support this argument with global data on oil production, female work patterns, and female political representation, and by comparing oil-rich Algeria to oil-poor Morocco and Tunisia. This argument has implications for the study of the Middle East, Islamic culture, and the resource curse.

scholarly journals Kaum Muda, Intoleransi, dan Radikalisme Agama

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 429
Author(s):  
Zuly Qodir
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Young People ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Literature Reviews ◽  
Terrorist Acts

Youth, Intolerance, and Radicalism are serious problems facing Indonesia and other countries including in the Middle East. This phenomenon has sprung up over the last five years with various events that have surfaced. There are many reasons for the emergence of radicalism among young people and intolerance. However, there are several alternatives also to reduce the movement of intolerance and radicalism of youth. Religious movements that come from mass organizations such as Muhammadiyah and NU can be expected to reduce it. The most phenomenal phenomenon is the emergence of ISIS Islamic state of Iraq and Syria with various violent activities in Iraq and Syria affecting religious life in Indonesia. The movement of intolerance and radicalism arises because of the lazy tolerance. The essay below wants to reflect on the continuous occurrence of terrorist acts of terrorism radicalism in our country. The following essays are based largely on literature reviews written on the basis of reports or by others, as well as observations from the authors

scholarly journals Qissat: Short Stories by Palestinian Women

1970 ◽  
pp. 100-101
Author(s):  
Tania Tabbara
Keyword(s):  
Women Writers ◽  
Short Stories ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
Palestinian Women ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Patriarchal Society ◽  
Mixed Feelings ◽  
Female Writers

I’ve always had mixed feelings concerning anthologies on women writers. It seems to me that classifying writers by their nationality and their gender does not really do justice to the creative originality of their stories. By classifying them in that way the stories are somehow assumed to reflect a certain social and political reality, which might not at all be intended by the writers.Especially regarding female writers from the Middle East, one expects to find stories that reflect upon the suppression of women in a patriarchal society that is determined by Islamic culture. Palestinian women writers have to fight this cliché as much as the expectation that their writing is (merely) informed by their status as refugees or occupied people (which of course might be the case but not necessarily so, or maybe only partially so).

scholarly journals European Identity and the Challenges of Turkish Accession to the European Union

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Sara Duodu
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
European Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Full Membership ◽  
Member States ◽  
Muslim Majority

In 2005, Turkey entered into negotiations for membership with the European Union. Turkey has been an important strategic ally to the European Union in the Middle East, explaining the mutual desire for closer ties between the two. While these negotiations showed promise early on, it has become increasingly apparent that Turkish accession to the European Union will not come easily, if at all. Officially, the European Union cites Turkey’s shortcomings on issues such as human rights as the reason for the stall in negotiations. However, upon closer inspection, it is evident that there is more at play, particularly as the European Union has been inconsistent in their approach to addressing human rights violations. Member states such as Poland and Hungary, which have recent human rights violations, have not faced the same kind of condemnation that Turkey has from the leaders of the European Union. The reality is that the European Union is largely united by its shared Europeanness and Christianity. As a result, due to questions over Turkey’s Europeanness and its large Muslim majority, the European Union is apprehensive to afford it full membership. It can be said that the European Union has maintained that Turkish accession is still possible in order to continue reaping the strategic benefits from close relations with Turkey.

Islam and Economic Development: The Case of Non-Muslim Minorities in the Middle East and North Africa

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed Saleh
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Economic History ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Absolute Number ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This chapter investigates a long-standing puzzle in the economic history of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region: why do MENA’s native non-Muslim minorities have better socioeconomic (SES) outcomes than the Muslim majority, both historically and today? Focusing on the case of Coptic Christians in Egypt, the largest non-Muslim minority in absolute number in the region, and employing a wide range of novel archival data sources, the chapter argues that Copts’ superior SES can be explained neither by Islam’s negative impact on Muslims’ SES (where Islam is defined as a set of beliefs or institutions) nor by colonization’s preferential treatment of Copts. Instead, the chapter traces the phenomenon to self-selection on SES during Egypt’s historical conversion from Coptic Christianity to Islam in the aftermath of the Arab Conquest of the then-Coptic Egypt in 641 CE. The argument is that the regressivity-in-income of the poll tax on non-Muslims (initially all Egyptians) that was imposed continuously from 641 to 1856 led to the shrinkage of (non-convert) Copts into a better-off minority. The Coptic-Muslim SES gap then persisted due to group restrictions on access to white-collar and artisanal skills. The chapter opens new areas of research on non-Muslim minorities in the MENA region and beyond.

Indonesia and the Arab World, Then and Now

2021 ◽  
pp. 26-55
Author(s):  
Mirjam Lücking
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Indian Ocean ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Historical Overview ◽  
Islamic Culture ◽  
The Indian Ocean ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter provides a historical overview of ambivalent encounters between Indonesia and the Arab world through findings that show the relationship between Indonesia and the Middle East. It recounts the Indonesians' earliest encounters with Arab traders in the seventh century, from confrontations with Indo Persian Sufi up to the current democratization process that have been marked by contradictory dynamics. It also explains how Arabs have been acknowledged as teachers of Islam and allies in the postcolonial nonbloc movement. The chapter describes the gloomy counterimage of the Arab world against which Indonesian officials and religious leaders drew the picture of a tolerant, pluralist Indonesian Islam. It mentions the key role of the mobility across the Indian Ocean in the formation of Islamic culture in Indonesia.

Introduction: Comparative Perspectives on Islamisation

Islamisation ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
A. C. S. Peacock
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
South Asia ◽  
Cultural Change ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
Seventh Century ◽  
The World ◽  
Populated State ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Almost All

The Arab conquests of the Middle East and much of North Africa and Central Asia in the seventh century mark the beginning of a process of religious and cultural change which ultimately resulted in the present Muslim-majority populations of almost all of these regions (see Figure 1.1). Yet the countries with the greatest Muslim populations today exist outside the Middle East in South Asia (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) and in Southeast Asia, where Indonesia constitutes the largest Muslim-populated state in the world. Islam spread far into Africa and Europe too, and significant Muslim populations also arose in parts of the world which remained mostly non-Muslim, such as China and Ethiopia. This spread of Islam is often referred to as ‘Islamisation’, a term widespread in scholarship and in recent times in more popular media.

Bat Ye’or and Eurabia

2019 ◽  
pp. 170-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sindre Bangstad
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Us ◽  
Muslim Majority

This chapter discusses the life and work of Bat Ye’or (Gisèle Littman), who is widely seen as the doyenne of “Eurabia”-literature. This comes in different varieties and formulations, but in Bat Ye’or’s rendering refers to an ongoing secretive conspiracy which involves both the European Union and Muslim-majority countries in North Africa and the Middle East, aimed at establishing Muslim control over a future Europe or “Eurabia.” Though Bat Ye’or did not coin the term “Eurabia,” she can be credited with having popularized the concept through quasi-academic titles such as Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis and Europe, Globalization and the Coming Universal Caliphate. Through its dissemination on various “counter-jihadist” websites and in the work of the Norwegian counter-jihadist blogger Fjordman, her work inspired the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik. She also has long-standing relations with Serbian ultranationalists, the Israeli Far Right, and various radical Right activists in Western Europe and the US.

Central Asia drives Syria repatriations to reduce risk

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Direct Link ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Reduce Risk

Subject Central Asian policies on repatriating nationals associated with Middle East insurgency. Significance Central Asian governments' concerns about radicalisation among Muslim-majority populations were amplified when hundreds of nationals went to Syria and Iraq in 2014-15 to join Islamic State (IS) and other jihadist groups. They are prioritising the repatriation of women and children, in contrast to European governments' reluctance to approve blanket returns. Impacts The security drive against local extremists will be sustained across Central Asia. Policies towards returning women will not be affected by IS-attributed attacks unless a direct link is made. In Russia, Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov is leading on repatriation efforts focused on children.

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