A Study on the relationship between church and liberal-democratic state: Through comparison of Hauerwas and Barth

The development of liberalism with both the courage and the capacity to engage itself with a different world, one in which its principles are neither well understood nor widely held, in which indeed it is, in most places, a minority creed, alien and suspect, is not only possible, it is necessary.-Clifford Geertz. 2000.Available Light.Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, p. 258.Over the past two decades, the debate over multiculturalism challenged the justice of neutral, “difference blind” rules in liberal democracies. Allegedly neutral institutions were shown to be implicitly biased toward the priorities, experiences, or interests of the dominant groups in the society. Criticism of difference-blind rules and claims for justice to minority groups defined the relationship between government and opposition in many contexts. Arguments for special rights to protect minorities, women, or ethnocultural groups gained legitimacy (Young 1990, Jones 1990, Phillips 1991, Taylor 1994, Kymlicka 1995, Kymlicka and Norman 2000).

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Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

PROKLA Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft ◽

10.32387/prokla.v47i189.55 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 47 (189) ◽

Author(s):

Kristina Dietz

Keyword(s):

Direct Democracy ◽

Social Power ◽

Political Agenda ◽

The Political ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Political Effects ◽

Mining Project ◽

National Governments ◽

The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

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Environmentalists, Nuclear Waste, and the Politics of Passive Exclusion in Germany

German Politics & Society ◽

10.3167/104503001782486254 ◽

2001 ◽

Vol 19 (4) ◽

pp. 43-63 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

Christian Hunold

Keyword(s):

Public Policy ◽

Public Sphere ◽

Nuclear Waste ◽

Environmental Movement ◽

The State ◽

Radioactive Wastes ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Democratic State ◽

Ecological Democracy ◽

Over Time

In this essay I examine the dispute between the German GreenParty and some of the country’s environmental nongovernmentalorganizations (NGOs) over the March 2001 renewal of rail shipmentsof highly radioactive wastes to Gorleben. My purpose indoing so is to test John Dryzek’s 1996 claim that environmentalistsought to beware of what they wish for concerning inclusion in theliberal democratic state. Inclusion on the wrong terms, arguesDryzek, may prove detrimental to the goals of greening and democratizingpublic policy because such inclusion may compromise thesurvival of a green public sphere that is vital to both. Prospects forecological democracy, understood in terms of strong ecologicalmodernization here, depend on historically conditioned relationshipsbetween the state and the environmental movement that fosterthe emergence and persistence over time of such a public sphere.

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The Model Penal Code and the War on Crime

10.1093/oso/9780198744290.003.0008 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Markus D. Dubber

Keyword(s):

Penal Code ◽

Modern State ◽

Model Penal Code ◽

State Punishment ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Democratic State ◽

Penal State ◽

War On Crime ◽

Integrate State ◽

State 1

Part III of Dual Penal State uses dual penal state analysis to generate a comparative-historical account of American penality. With comparative glimpses at Germany and, to a lesser extent, England, it distinguishes between two responses to the shared challenge of legitimating state penal power in a modern liberal democratic state: (1) the failure to appreciate the legitimatory challenge of modern state penal power in particular (United States) and of modern state power in general (England); and (2) the failure to address the legitimatory challenge of modern state penal power as an ongoing existential threat to the legitimacy of the state (Germany). Chapter 7 brings the narrative of modern American penality up-to-date, following on the heels of the discussion of Jefferson’s Virginia criminal law bill of 1779 in Chapter 6. Chapter 7 focuses on the Model Penal Code of 1962, which was far superior to Jefferson’s draft in every respect but one: it, too, failed to integrate state punishment into the American legal-political project, leaving the penal paradox unaddressed and unresolved to this day.

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Thomas Jefferson’s Virginia Criminal Law Bill

10.1093/oso/9780198744290.003.0007 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Markus D. Dubber

Keyword(s):

Criminal Law ◽

Critical Analysis ◽

Criminal Code ◽

The State ◽

Modern State ◽

Historical Account ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Democratic State ◽

Penal State ◽

State 1

Part III of Dual Penal State uses dual penal state analysis to generate a comparative-historical account of American penality. With comparative glimpses at Germany and, to a lesser extent, England, it distinguishes between two responses to the shared challenge of legitimating state penal power in a modern liberal democratic state: (1) the failure to appreciate the legitimatory challenge of modern state penal power in particular (United States) and of modern state power in general (England); and (2) the failure to address the legitimatory challenge of modern state penal power as an ongoing existential threat to the legitimacy of the state (Germany). Chapter 6 undertakes a critical analysis of Jefferson’s 1779 draft of a criminal law bill for the State of Virginia, concluding that it fell well short of a criminal code that reflected the ideals of the American legal-political project as spelled out, for instance, in Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence of 1776.

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Penal Law and Penal Police in the Dual Penal State

10.1093/oso/9780198744290.003.0005 ◽

2018 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Markus D. Dubber

Keyword(s):

Criminal Law ◽

Critical Analysis ◽

The Other ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Democratic State ◽

Alternative Approach ◽

Penal State ◽

Penal Law ◽

Patriarchal Power ◽

Modes Of Governance

The first part of Dual Penal State investigated various ways in which criminal law doctrine and scholarship (or “science”) have failed to address the challenge of legitimating penal power in a modern liberal democratic state. This, second, part explores an alternative approach to criminal law discourse that puts the legitimacy challenge of modern penal law front and center: critical analysis of criminal law in a dual penal state. Dual penal state analysis differentiates between penal law and penal police, two conceptions of penal power, and state power more generally, rooted in autonomy, equality, and interpersonal respect, on one hand, and in heteronomy, hierarchy, and patriarchal power, on the other. Chapter 4 applies the distinction between law and police as fundamental modes of governance set out in Chapter 3 to the penal realm and explores the tension between penal law and penal police as constituting the dual penal state.

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The Crisis of Minorities in Ethnic States: The Case of Palestinian Citizens in Israel

International Journal of Middle East Studies ◽

10.1017/s0020743800066204 ◽

1998 ◽

Vol 30 (3) ◽

pp. 321-346 ◽

Cited By ~ 83

Author(s):

Naditn Rouhana ◽

Asʿad Ghanem

Keyword(s):

Equal Opportunity ◽

International System ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

Political Structure ◽

Ongoing Debate ◽

Group Rights ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Ethnic Affiliation ◽

Democratic State

The vast majority of states in the international system, democratic and non-democratic, are multi-ethnic (Gurr 1993). A liberal-democratic multi-ethnic state serves the collective needs of all its citizens regardless of their ethnic affiliation, and citizenship—legally recognized membership in the political structure called a state—is the single criterion for belonging to the state and for granting equal opportunity to all members of the system. Whether a multi-ethnic democratic state should provide group rights above and beyond individual legal equality is an ongoing debate (Gurr & Harff 1994).

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The Liberal Conscience: Politics and Principle in a World of Religious Pluralism

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423907070321 ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 40 (1) ◽

pp. 260-261

Author(s):

James G. Mellon

Keyword(s):

New York ◽

Religious Pluralism ◽

Political Authority ◽

Columbia University ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Democratic State ◽

Conception Of The Good

The Liberal Conscience: Politics and Principle in a World of Religious Pluralism, Lucas Swaine, New York: Columbia University Press, 2006, pp. xxii, 215.The Liberal Conscience by Lucas Swaine represents a response from a liberal to those who affirm a theocratic conception of the good. Swaine distinguishes between logic and rhetoric, between that which should persuade and that which is likely to persuade. He suggests that a justification of liberal principles founded on conscience should persuade honest theocrats and Swaine makes the case that this should matter to both liberals and theocrats. The liberal, who founds a justification of liberal principles in conscience and accommodates those whose conscience forces them to seek exemption from certain conventional norms, in Swaine's view, is acting in a manner consistent with the authentic spirit of liberal principles. A liberal democratic state reflecting such a spirit, Swaine argues, is in a stronger position logically to expect theocrats to view it as a legitimate political authority. Otherwise, it is presumptuous, he suggests, for a liberal democratic state to expect the allegiance of theocrats.

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The Double Life of Dissent: Art, Politics and the Predicaments of Democracy in India

Studies in Indian Politics ◽

10.1177/23210230211043019 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 232102302110430

Author(s):

Malvika Maheshwari

Keyword(s):

Political History ◽

Art Market ◽

The State ◽

Democratic State ◽

Dynamic Patterns ◽

The Relationship

The article focuses on two moments in India’s political history, in which out-rightly expressed dissent underlines analytical shifts in the nature and course of the country’s democracy. It asks two questions: First, what does a self-proclaimed, democratic state do with peaceful dissenting artists? The second question follows from this. If indeed the state stigmatizes and suppresses that dissent, what does the artist do? By foregrounding the relationship between the dissent and offence-taking, the article shows the increasingly complex changes in the nature of the democratic state, role of the art market therein, the dynamic patterns of dissent itself, which underline the cyclic outbursts of violence against artists.

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Citizenship in a diverse and multicultural society

New Paradigms in Public Policy ◽

10.5871/bacad/9780197264935.003.0005 ◽

2013 ◽

Author(s):

Tariq Modood

Keyword(s):

Religion And Politics ◽

The Political ◽

Current Policy ◽

Cultural Groups ◽

Cultural Challenges ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Cultural Orientations ◽

Social Mixing ◽

The Uk ◽

The Relationship

This chapter examines the political and cultural challenges posed by the growth of the non-white population in Europe. It reviews the chief current policy responses – assimilation, integration, and multiculturalism – in the context of claims by politicians in Germany, France, and the UK that ‘multiculturalism is dead’. The chapter distinguishes between two multicultural approaches: a valuing of diversity that accords full recognition to differences between cultural groups within a liberal democratic framework; and a multiculturalism that values cultural interaction and social mixing but withholds institutional recognition from groups, especially religious ones. The first approach may unintentionally strengthen barriers between groups and foster segregation, whilst the second may marginalise certain cultural orientations and communities. The chapter concludes by analysing the emerging ethnic fault lines across Europe and stresses the significance of a shift from colour to religion as the foundation of group identity, with major implications for the relationship between religion and politics.

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