Guest Editorial: How To Meet Declining Oil Demand

2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (06) ◽  
pp. 10-11
Author(s):  
Dwayne Purvis

As the world reaches a tipping point in its will to address climate change, the industry must find a new way forward, especially in the United States. Many are right to say that oil and gas are not going away; the transition is planned to take 30 years or more and will not decline to zero production. This fact, though, obscures the reality that peaking, then declining, demand for oil—gas is another story—will structurally change and globally redistribute the industry’s exploration and employment. The story of oil supply and demand began its race to the top 150 years ago. “Shortage” and “glut” have meant that paired growth got out of sync, not that there was a real loss of production. For many decades the world has needed about 1 million B/D more each year than the previous year, but on a percentage basis growth has slowed. At the same time supply from previous years declines about 5 to 6% per year, arguably higher in recent years. The treadmill for new supply has been running hot for decades. All major public forecasts in the past year call for oil demand to plateau between now and about 2030 when accounting for ongoing changes to policy. (To be clear, some show a peak in the 2030s in “business as usual” cases, but they also show even sooner peaks if policy and demand changes accelerate). BP’s Energy Outlook 2020 from last fall took the bold—and well-argued—position that peak oil demand is today and that it is only a question of how fast demand declines. “Peak” demand isn’t really a peak like the Matterhorn; it is flatter like a weathered jebel. We know this from the example of the peak oil demand experienced by the developed world. We also know from that experience that forecasting agencies failed to predict the peak OECD oil demand in 2005 literally by decades even as demand turned down. Reversal of demand growth presents a figurative and mathematical inflection point. Though existing production continues, growth becomes negative, and the pace of the new-supply treadmill plummets. When the need for new supply approximately halves, the Pareto principle tells us that the number of new projects required will fall more than half. Thus, the need for those industry professionals preferentially tasked with finding new oil supply—geophysicists, exploration geologists, drillers, reservoir engineers, landmen—may fall quickly. Other disciplines like operations that service existing production will face only the headwinds of cost reductions and then the long, slow slide toward mid-century targets. The United States via its swarm of large and small companies has dominated the global supply story for more than a decade with its unique shale revolution, but it had previously shriveled to a second-tier producer. Fig. 1 shows 55 years of oil production history. Fig. 1a shows the US supply deconstructed to its functional parts while Fig. 1b shows ascendent producers on the same scales.

2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 252-253
Author(s):  
Soman Chacko ◽  
Satchidananda Rath ◽  
Pranab Sen ◽  
Subrata Kumar Das

India is currently the third-largest global consumer of petroleum products after the United States and China. The country produces approximately 720,000 barrels of crude oil and 3.16 billion ft3 of gas per day and imports more than 80% of its oil and 50% of its gas needs. This large discrepancy between domestic supply and consumption has been rising rapidly of late. With an economy growing at 6%–8% per year, India's energy demand growth over the next couple of decades is forecast to be among the highest in the world. To mitigate the heavy dependence on imported energy, India has stepped up efforts in recent years to increase domestic production of oil and gas.


Author(s):  
Hannah Wiseman

An oil and gas extraction technique called hydraulic fracturing has been common in the United States for many decades. However, a recent change in this technique—the development of a specific fracturing or “fracking” practice called slickwater or slickwater fracturing—has turned the world of petroleum extraction on its head, opening up massive new deposits of oil and gas in the United States and around the world. This article uses the United States as a case study of the benefits and risks of fracturing and the legal frameworks that apply to this practice, exploring how the legal approach has been largely piecemeal and reactive. US states have been the primary regulatory bodies responsible for controlling risks, and their regulations vary substantially. The federal government also has regulated in limited areas, however—again in a largely reactive and patchwork manner.


2020 ◽  
pp. c2-63
Author(s):  
The Editors

buy this issue The current massive oil glut is the product of the effects of the tight oil or shale oil revolution, which for a time turned the United States into the biggest oil and gas producer in the world. Now, suddenly as a result of an overproduction of world oil, made far worse by the sudden falloff in demand due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we are witnessing the possible euthanasia of the U.S. tight oil industry, bleeding cash even before the oil price collapse and encumbered with mountains of debt.


Fact Sheet ◽  
2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy R. Klett ◽  
Troy A. Cook ◽  
Ronald R. Charpentier ◽  
Marilyn E. Tennyson ◽  
E.D. Attanasi ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Selma Aytüre

Energy is an issue of strategic importance to the European Union and Turkey. Both are dependent to the outside. EU is the world's largest energy importer and second largest energy consumer after the United States. Turkey's alignment with the EU's energy policy is extremely important for EU in terms of increasing the diversity and quality of its energy resources. Turkey's strategic location makes Turkey a land of passage for transporting oil and gas to Europe. This geopolitical importance is an important opportunity for both sides. In this chapter, EU's position on energy in the world has been explained first. Then the energy situation and energy policy in EU has been examined. Secondly, Turkey's energy policy and compatibility to EU together with complementary role to EU on Energy has been presented.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-353
Author(s):  
Yury Viktorovich Borovsky

Since the mid-2000s, the American energy industry has undergone profound changes. Having made the so-called shale revolution and achieved impressive results in the field of energy efficiency and renewable energy, the United States of America has not only radically reduced its dependence on imported hydrocarbons, but has begun to increase exports of these commodities. Given the economic weight of the U.S., such changes have significantly transformed the global energy market, requiring leading oil and gas exporters (including Russia) to take non-standard steps (for example, the OPEC+ deal). They also created serious prerequisites for Washington’s revision of its traditional energy policy in the international arena. The author makes a conclusion that the United States has not yet come out of the paradigm of net oil importer, which was formed after the first world oil crisis of 1973-1974. This means that Washington is still committed to the traditional principles of it’s foreign energy policy: diversification of oil import sources; promotion of free trade in world energy; special relations with oil exporters in the Persian Gulf and the strategic importance of the Middle East; reliance on energy suppliers from the Western hemisphere, etc. However, having radically reduced oil and gas imports and having got the opportunity to export them, the United States could not help but bring something new to its energy policy. While still prioritizing security of energy supply, the U.S. under B. Obama has started talking about the American energy independence, and D. Trump has proclaimed the global energy dominance as a new key American goal. The author assumes that global energy dominance implies Washington’s aggressive promotion of the American energy exporters, as well as its intention to turn the U.S. into a technological leader and a key regulator in the global energy market. Moreover, the U.S. has become freer in the matter of sanctions and other pressure on major oil and gas exporters, guided by its geopolitical and economic interests. Due to the growth of the American oil and gas export potential, the confrontation between Moscow and Washington in the energy sector, which began during the Cold war, has now acquired an additional economic dimension. Previously, the United States has tried to restrain the development of the Soviet, later Russian energy industry, but acted purely in the logic of political rivalry, not economic competition. Thus, in the foreseeable future the United States is unlikely to abandon its attempts to politicize and discredit Russia as an energy supplier to Europe and other regions of the world.


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 665-666

The 21st plenary meeting of the International Cotton Advisory Committee (ICAC) took place in Washington from May 9 to May 23, 1962. In the Committee of the Whole, attention was given to the world supply and demand situation, government actions affecting cotton, and steps needed for the further advance of the world cotton economy. A statement, prepared by a working group headed by Mr. Edouard J. Senn (France), developed from the discussions of the committee, presented the following observations, among others: 1) The overall statistical situation in raw cotton remained strong. Acreage had risen to a new peak; cotton consumption was at a record high level; there had been a reasonable degree of price stability in world cotton markets; and most countries would probably dispose of the bulk of their exportable supplies. World stocks were likely to decline to their lowest level since 1953. The committee recognized, however, that the over-all reduction in cotton stocks in the period under review had been brought about mainly by reason of partial crop failures in certain countries and that, with normal yields in these countries, the relationship between supply and demand could well have been reversed. 2) Cotton consumption continued to break new records with each successive season, but undue optimism had to be tempered by an awareness of the intense competition from the manmade fibers which had brought about a decline in cotton's share of the total textile market. 3) The profit margins of cotton textile manufacturers, as well as of producers, were also limited by rising costs and by the highly competitive nature of the textile industry. 4) In the opinion of the committee there was no doubt that the restriction of acreage in the United States had been a major factor in the orderly liquidation of the cotton surplus and in the return to a better balance between world cotton supply and demand. 5) The committee noted with considerable interest the statement of the United States delegation that attention was currently being given to a number of plans to introduce a greater element of freedom in the manner of cotton production and to reduce or eliminate the differential between domestic and export prices in the United States. 6) The committee also welcomed the reassurance by the United States delegation that in formulating its cotton policy the United States would always have in mind the interests of other nations and seek to avoid any dislocation of the world cotton market.


1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 697-697

The International Lead and Zinc Study Group held its second session, attended by delegates from 23 countries, in Geneva, September 12–15, 1960, according to the press. Mr. G. J. MacMahon (United Kingdom) presided over the session, the main purpose of which was reportedly to review the current statistical situation in lead and zinc. In regard to lead, the Study Group was stated to have observed that, after taking into account net trade with the centrally-planned economies, the balance between new supplies and demand showed a statistical surplus of lead metal of 21,000 tons for 1960 and 26,000 tons for 1961, with producers' stocks of lead metal at the very high level of 334,000 tons in July of the current year, divided about evenly between the United States and the rest of the world. New supplies, the report continued, appeared to be in better balance with anticipated demand than in recent years, but statistics, which as of the end of June showed metal stocks in the hands of producers to amount to 276,000 tons, did not indicate any immediate prospect of a significant change in stocks. With regard to zinc, it was announced that the steady rise in consumption was expected to continue in 1960 and 1961, and an even greater increase in production was forecast, although most. delegations were said to feel that action by the Study Group was not necessary, since stocks in many countries were at normal levels or below. In reply to concern expressed by some delegations about the continued existence of protective restrictions and about releases from noncommercial stocks, governments were urged not to impose additional barriers to trade in this field, and both governments and industries were urged to avoid any course which might frustrate the efforts being made to bring about a satisfactory balance between supply and demand.


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 186-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malini Ratnasingam ◽  
Lee Ellis

Background. Nearly all of the research on sex differences in mass media utilization has been based on samples from the United States and a few other Western countries. Aim. The present study examines sex differences in mass media utilization in four Asian countries (Japan, Malaysia, South Korea, and Singapore). Methods. College students self-reported the frequency with which they accessed the following five mass media outlets: television dramas, televised news and documentaries, music, newspapers and magazines, and the Internet. Results. Two significant sex differences were found when participants from the four countries were considered as a whole: Women watched television dramas more than did men; and in Japan, female students listened to music more than did their male counterparts. Limitations. A wider array of mass media outlets could have been explored. Conclusions. Findings were largely consistent with results from studies conducted elsewhere in the world, particularly regarding sex differences in television drama viewing. A neurohormonal evolutionary explanation is offered for the basic findings.


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