scholarly journals ‘It’s the Same Thing as Giving Them CPR Training’: Rural Emergency Responders Perspectives on Naloxone

Author(s):  
Matthew Filteau ◽  
Brandn Green ◽  
Frances Kim ◽  
Ki_Ai McBride

Abstract Most states in the US have implemented Good Samaritan Laws (GSLs) that provide legal protections for anyone calling law enforcement and first responders trained to administer naloxone and reverse overdoses. Despite these laws, some bystanders are reluctant to call the authorities, prompting requests to increase naloxone access and administration training among lay persons. This study examines the perceptions of emergency first responders in a frontier and remote (FAR) state to understand their job responsibilities and perceptions of layperson naloxone administration training. This study includes 22 interviews with law enforcement, EMS and/or fire personnel, members of community organizations responsible for responding to opioid overdoses. The study finds widespread support for layperson naloxone training and administration throughout Montana due to rural first responders’ inability to meet the needs of residents and an overall lack of resources to address substance use. This study adds to the literature because of it focuses on first responders in a frontier and remote area (FAR) that would benefit from layperson naloxone education and administration training due to its geographic expansiveness and the area’s overall lack of resources. A harm reduction approach that trains laypeople to administer naloxone might be FAR residents’ best chance for survival after an opioid overdose.

Author(s):  
Farhan Zahid

Pakistan remains a country of vital importance for Al-Qaeda. It is primarily because of Al-Qaeda’s advent, rise and shelter and not to mention the support the terrorist organization found at the landscape of Pakistan during the last two decades. The emergence of in Pakistan can be traced back to the Afghan War (1979-89), with a brief sabbatical in Sudan the Islamist terrorist group rose to gain prominence after shifting back to Afghanistan. It then became a global ‘Islamist’ terrorist entity while based in neighboring Afghanistan and found safe havens in the erstwhile tribal areas of Pakistan in the aftermath of the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. Prior to its formation in 1988 in Peshawar (Pakistan), it had worked as Maktab al-Khidmat (Services Bureau) during the Afghan War.2 It had its roots in Pakistan, which had become a transit point of extremists en route to Afghanistan during the War. All high profile Al-Qaeda leaders, later becoming high-value targets, and members of its central Shura had lived in Pakistan at one point in their lives. That is the very reason the Al-Qaeda in Pakistan is termed as Al-Qaeda Core or Central among law enforcement practitioners and intelligence communities. Without going into details of Al-Qaeda’s past in Pakistan the aim of this article is to focus on its current state of affairs and what future lies ahead of it in Pakistan.


Author(s):  
James Turner ◽  
Terri Rebmann ◽  
Travis Loux ◽  
Donghua Tao ◽  
Alexander Garza

AbstractEmergency planners and first responders often access web-based information resources during disasters; however, these tools require an active Internet connection, which may be unavailable during a disaster. The National Library of Medicine (NLM) provides several free non-web-based disaster response tools. This study assessed intention to use web-based and non-web-based informational and response tools during disasters among emergency responders and librarians. Educational workshops were held in four Missouri cities in spring, 2016. The NLM tools were presented and attendees practiced using the tools during disaster scenarios. Pre- and post-intervention data about NLM tool awareness and intention to use these tools versus other web-based resources was collected. McNemar tests assessed a pre/post change in intention to use each resource. Four workshops were held, with a total of 74 attendees. Intention to use the NLM tools was low prior to the workshops (range: 20.3–39.2%), but increased significantly immediately afterwards (p < .001 for all pre/post comparisons). The workshops resulted in increased NLM tool awareness and increased intention to use the tools during future disasters. This provides evidence of attendees’ perceptions of the usefulness of the non-web-based NLM tools in place of other web-based tools in situations without Internet access.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003335492199917
Author(s):  
Kaitlin Kelly-Reif ◽  
Jessica L. Rinsky ◽  
Sophia K. Chiu ◽  
Sherry Burrer ◽  
Marie A. de Perio ◽  
...  

We aimed to describe coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) deaths among first responders early in the COVID-19 pandemic. We used media reports to gather timely information about COVID-19–related deaths among first responders during March 30–April 30, 2020, and evaluated the sensitivity of media scanning compared with traditional surveillance. We abstracted information about demographic characteristics, occupation, underlying conditions, and exposure source. Twelve of 19 US public health jurisdictions with data on reported deaths provided verification, and 7 jurisdictions reported whether additional deaths had occurred; we calculated the sensitivity of media scanning among these 7 jurisdictions. We identified 97 COVID-19–related first-responder deaths during the study period through media and jurisdiction reports. Participating jurisdictions reported 5 deaths not reported by the media. Sixty-six decedents worked in law enforcement, and 31 decedents worked in fire/emergency medical services. Media reports rarely noted underlying conditions. The media scan sensitivity was 88% (95% CI, 73%-96%) in the subset of 7 jurisdictions. Media reports demonstrated high sensitivity in documenting COVID-19–related deaths among first responders; however, information on risk factors was scarce. Routine collection of data on industry and occupation could improve understanding of COVID-19 morbidity and mortality among all workers.


2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (9) ◽  
pp. 1201-1204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Rando ◽  
Derek Broering ◽  
James E. Olson ◽  
Catherine Marco ◽  
Stephen B. Evans

1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 460 ◽  
Author(s):  
George A. Gellert ◽  
Roberta M. Maxwell ◽  
Kathleen V. Higgins ◽  
Rebecca Barnard ◽  
Brandon Page

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-418
Author(s):  
Akwasi Owusu-Bempah

Canada has received praise and international attention for its departure from strict cannabis prohibition and the introduction of a legal regulatory framework for adult use. In addition to the perceived public health and public safety benefits associated with legalization, reducing the burden placed on the individuals criminalized for cannabis use served as an impetus for change. In comparison to many jurisdictions in the United States, however, Canadian legalization efforts have done less to address the harms that drug law enforcement has inflicted on individuals and communities. This article documents the racialized nature of drug prohibition in Canada and the US and compares the stated aims of legalization in in both jurisdictions. The article outlines the various reparative measures being proposed and implemented in America and contrasts those with the situation in Canada, arguing, furthermore that the absence of social justice measures in Canadian legalization is an extension of the systemic racism perpetuated under prohibition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Keeley Farrell

This Horizon Scanning report summarizes information regarding an emerging health technology — a wearable respiratory sensor for the detection of opioid-induced respiratory depression Devices that detect opioid-induced respiratory depression such as RESPMETER could help to prevent opioid overdose deaths by alerting first responders so that they can intervene earlier and administer naloxone. RESPMETER, or devices like it, could play a role in opioid overdose management. However, information on its effectiveness and safety for detecting opioid-induced respiratory depression is needed.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Banteka

ICCTs have been established on a belying enforcement paradox between their significant mandate and their inherent lack of enforcement powers due to absence of systemic law enforcement. This article is premised on the idea that ICCTs fail to procure substantial results due to their delusive persistence in rejecting the factoring of politics in their operation. Thus, I suggest a perspective for arrest warrant enforcement that not only recognizes the relevance of politics but also capitalizes on it. Accordingly, I argue that by fully comprehending its enforcement tools and making use of its political role, the ICC may increase its rates in the apprehension of suspects, and therefore secure higher levels of judicial enforcement. Based on different compliance theories, I argue that the Office of The Prosecutor of the ICC (OTP) can improve compliance with ICC arrest warrants by making use of third states and non-state actors. In Part I, I address the way states and international actors may assist the OTP towards unwilling to arrest states through inducements, reputational sanctions, and support for enforcement agencies. I propose that external pressure in the form of positive inducements (membership, development aid) or negative inducements (travel bans, asset freezes) as well as condemnation and reputational damage towards non-compliant states, are likely to increase compliance with arrest warrants. In Part II, I examine a strategy for the OTP towards states that are willing to arrest but are unable to do so. In these cases, the OTP would benefit from improving its institutional capacity to identify and use overlapping interests with activist states in the field of human rights and international justice through the establishment of a diplomatic arm within its Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Cooperation Division (JCCD). I unpack the question of what this engagement may look like by examining such a potential relationship between the US and the ICC. Finally, in Part III, I focus on the instances, where civil society has the ability to influence third states or situation states to assist in the execution of arrest warrants. I argue that the OTP ought to include more actively different actors within the global civil society, such as NGOs, transnational networks, and individuals, during its bargaining efforts.


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