On Law Enforcement Through Agreements Between the US Regulatory Authorities and Foreign Corporations

Author(s):  
Yurika Ishii
Author(s):  
Farhan Zahid

Pakistan remains a country of vital importance for Al-Qaeda. It is primarily because of Al-Qaeda’s advent, rise and shelter and not to mention the support the terrorist organization found at the landscape of Pakistan during the last two decades. The emergence of in Pakistan can be traced back to the Afghan War (1979-89), with a brief sabbatical in Sudan the Islamist terrorist group rose to gain prominence after shifting back to Afghanistan. It then became a global ‘Islamist’ terrorist entity while based in neighboring Afghanistan and found safe havens in the erstwhile tribal areas of Pakistan in the aftermath of the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. Prior to its formation in 1988 in Peshawar (Pakistan), it had worked as Maktab al-Khidmat (Services Bureau) during the Afghan War.2 It had its roots in Pakistan, which had become a transit point of extremists en route to Afghanistan during the War. All high profile Al-Qaeda leaders, later becoming high-value targets, and members of its central Shura had lived in Pakistan at one point in their lives. That is the very reason the Al-Qaeda in Pakistan is termed as Al-Qaeda Core or Central among law enforcement practitioners and intelligence communities. Without going into details of Al-Qaeda’s past in Pakistan the aim of this article is to focus on its current state of affairs and what future lies ahead of it in Pakistan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 395-418
Author(s):  
Akwasi Owusu-Bempah

Canada has received praise and international attention for its departure from strict cannabis prohibition and the introduction of a legal regulatory framework for adult use. In addition to the perceived public health and public safety benefits associated with legalization, reducing the burden placed on the individuals criminalized for cannabis use served as an impetus for change. In comparison to many jurisdictions in the United States, however, Canadian legalization efforts have done less to address the harms that drug law enforcement has inflicted on individuals and communities. This article documents the racialized nature of drug prohibition in Canada and the US and compares the stated aims of legalization in in both jurisdictions. The article outlines the various reparative measures being proposed and implemented in America and contrasts those with the situation in Canada, arguing, furthermore that the absence of social justice measures in Canadian legalization is an extension of the systemic racism perpetuated under prohibition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 745-790
Author(s):  
Susann Sturm

This study examines the complexity of Canada's corporate income tax system from the perspective of multinational corporations and compares it with the complexity of the US system, also taking into account measures of complexity for 19 other member countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The author finds that with regard to the Canadian tax code, the most complex laws are those on corporate reorganization, transfer pricing, and controlled foreign corporations, and with regard to the Canadian tax framework, the most complex areas are tax audits, tax-law enactment, and tax guidance. In comparison with other OECD countries, Canada is remarkably similar to the United States. Both countries have a medium level of overall complexity, and both have a more complex tax code but a less complex tax framework than other countries. However, a closer examination of the Canadian and US tax codes and tax frameworks reveals some significant differences in complexity levels, particularly in respect of certain tax laws.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Banteka

ICCTs have been established on a belying enforcement paradox between their significant mandate and their inherent lack of enforcement powers due to absence of systemic law enforcement. This article is premised on the idea that ICCTs fail to procure substantial results due to their delusive persistence in rejecting the factoring of politics in their operation. Thus, I suggest a perspective for arrest warrant enforcement that not only recognizes the relevance of politics but also capitalizes on it. Accordingly, I argue that by fully comprehending its enforcement tools and making use of its political role, the ICC may increase its rates in the apprehension of suspects, and therefore secure higher levels of judicial enforcement. Based on different compliance theories, I argue that the Office of The Prosecutor of the ICC (OTP) can improve compliance with ICC arrest warrants by making use of third states and non-state actors. In Part I, I address the way states and international actors may assist the OTP towards unwilling to arrest states through inducements, reputational sanctions, and support for enforcement agencies. I propose that external pressure in the form of positive inducements (membership, development aid) or negative inducements (travel bans, asset freezes) as well as condemnation and reputational damage towards non-compliant states, are likely to increase compliance with arrest warrants. In Part II, I examine a strategy for the OTP towards states that are willing to arrest but are unable to do so. In these cases, the OTP would benefit from improving its institutional capacity to identify and use overlapping interests with activist states in the field of human rights and international justice through the establishment of a diplomatic arm within its Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Cooperation Division (JCCD). I unpack the question of what this engagement may look like by examining such a potential relationship between the US and the ICC. Finally, in Part III, I focus on the instances, where civil society has the ability to influence third states or situation states to assist in the execution of arrest warrants. I argue that the OTP ought to include more actively different actors within the global civil society, such as NGOs, transnational networks, and individuals, during its bargaining efforts.


2006 ◽  
Vol &NA; (1553) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
&NA;
Keyword(s):  
The Us ◽  

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-138
Author(s):  
Michael D. White ◽  
Aili Malm

There are two objectives in this chapter. The first is a forward-looking review of the next set of challenges for BWC adopters. These challenges span the factors that can influence diffusion (characteristics of the innovation, innovators, and environment) and center on both human and technological elements of a BWC program. The authors assess the next set of human-based challenges with BWCs, such as addressing activation compliance (and dealing with low-end activators), addressing controversies surrounding the public release of video and officers’ authority to review video after a critical incident (i.e., a shooting), managing citizens’ and other nonusers’ expectations of the technology (handling the onset of a “CSI effect” with BWCs, where if there is no video, then it did not happen), and being responsive to changing laws on evidence, privacy, and access to BWC footage. The authors also consider emerging technological innovations such as automatic activation, the integration of BWCs and facial recognition, and the role and use of “big data” with BWCs. The second objective centers on planning and implementation. More specifically, the authors delve into how law enforcement agencies can navigate the well-known and newly emerging challenges surrounding BWCs in order optimize the likelihood of achieving positive outcomes. In particular, they focus on a “best-practice” implementation guide developed by the US Department of Justice, called the “Law Enforcement Implementation Checklist.” The chapter concludes with a few important takeaway messages regarding the future of BWCs in policing.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
James R. Skillen

In April 2014, near Bunkerville, Nevada, Cliven Bundy and hundreds of armed supporters faced off with federal law enforcement officers who were removing his trespassing cattle from federal lands. Bundy described himself as the victim of a rogue federal government that trampled the US Constitution and deprived him of basic rights, and he was ready to “take this country back by force.”...


Author(s):  
Georgios A. Antonopoulos ◽  
Georgios Papanicolaou

‘Controlling and preventing organized crime’ discusses the types of policy and law enforcement approaches intended to address organized crime as an issue. The US became the first country to develop a comprehensive and wide-ranging response to the phenomenon of ‘organized crime’. Legislation introduced in the late 1960s gave prosecutors a new model based on patterns of criminal activity rather than specific offences. Alongside the new tools for prosecuting criminal groups, it increased the severity of sanctions against them. The US approach became the model for other countries. With organized crime being seen as an international issue new organizations have appeared to address it. But can organized crime ever be prevented?


Author(s):  
Samara McPhedran ◽  
Angela R. Gover ◽  
Paul Mazerolle

Purpose The purpose of this paper is twofold. The first goal is to conduct a cross-national examination of law enforcement officer attitudes about domestic violence (DV) by comparing officer attitudes in the USA to officer attitudes in Australia. The second goal is to examine law enforcement officer attitudes about DV using a gender lens to identify whether patterns in attitudes among male and female officers in the USA are similar to those among Australian male and female law enforcement officers. Design/methodology/approach The current study involves a comparative analysis of DV attitudes in two different countries (the USA and Australia). Officers in the USA were asked to indicate their level agreement with 28 attitudinal statements about DV. The Australian survey adapted the Gover et al. (2011) instrument by including 24 of the 28 attitudinal statements. The survey followed a mixed-methods design with both quantitative and qualitative components. Bivariate analyses were conducted to determine whether attitudes varied by country and gender of the responding officers. Analyses of attitudinal questions and categorical variables (e.g. gender) were conducted using t-tests. Findings According to survey data gathered from police officers in Colorado (USA) and Queensland (Australia), male and female officer attitudes within each country are more similar than different. When comparing the overall sample of American officer attitudes to Australian officer attitudes, they significantly differ about half the time. Research limitations/implications The Australian survey had a considerably low response rate, and therefore it cannot be stated with certainty whether the responses given are truly representative of the views of Australian officers as a whole, although the demographic characteristics of the sample were comparable with the overall police population demographics. Another limitation is that not all demographic and background variables were collected by both surveys. For example, the US survey asked about officers’ ethnicity, while the Australian survey did not, and the Australian survey asked about how many DV jobs officers attended per month, while the US survey did not. Practical implications Improving knowledge about police attitudes towards DV can help to inform future policy or practice implementation, as well as training programmes and better overall responses to the pervasive and ongoing problem of DV internationally. Originality/value This is a unique and original piece of research as it is a partial cross-national replication of an existing survey. This work does have the potential for great impact in understanding and developing innovative law enforcement responses to DV. In developing such responses officer attitudes need to be considered and integrated into the response, as their opinions will guide the support of future interventions.


Author(s):  
Maren B. Trochmann ◽  
Angela Gover

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine whether the representativeness of police departments, i.e. the extent to which the demographics of sworn police officers mirror their local constituency’s demographic makeup, has an effect on communities. The study seeks to explain whether community complaints about police use of force are related to the representativeness of the police department. Design/methodology/approach The study examines the relationships between use of force complaints lodged against a police department and the representativeness of the police vis-à-vis their community using ordinary least squares regression and city fixed-effects models. The stratified sample of 100 large US cities uses data from the US Census Equal Employment Opportunity Survey and the Bureau of Justice Statistics Law Enforcement Management and Administration Statistics Survey from several points-in-time. Findings The analysis suggests that racial makeup and, to a lesser extent, local residency of police departments might matter in reducing community conflict with police, as represented by use of force complaints. However, the fixed-effects model suggests that unobserved community-level characteristics and context matter more than police departments’ representativeness. Originality/value This study seeks to provide a unique perspective and empirical evidence on community conflict with police by integrating the public administration theory of representative bureaucracy with criminal justice theories of policing legitimacy. The findings have implications for urban policing as well as law enforcement human capital and public management practices, which is essential to understand current crises in police-citizen relations in the US, especially in minority communities.


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