Smart Grid Efficiency: a Chinese Approach

2019 ◽  
pp. 24-31
Author(s):  
Ihor A. Vakulenko

The paper considers the issues of evaluating the efficiency of smart grid projects, which is important for evaluating the performance of implemented projects and identifying the most promising projects among those proposed for implementation. The objective of the work is to identify and analyze the approaches to the assessment of smart grids used in the People's Republic of China (PRC). For this purpose, has been allocated two typical approaches that have proliferated and are widely used in China. Moreover, one of them (Grid development assessment index system) is universal: it is used to evaluate both existing and potential projects - the other (Smart grid pilot project evaluation indicator system) is used solely to evaluate pilot projects (smart grid projects that may be implemented). The urgency of the work is justified by the need to identify the best world practices for evaluating Smart Grid projects in view of the prospects for the development of smart grids in Ukraine, and therefore the need to select the most effective projects and identify the most promising areas of energy sector development. Building smart grids is a prerequisite for integrating the Ukrainian energy system with the European Union's energy system. The geographical choice of the People's Republic of China for research purposes is explained by the country's significant progress in building a smart grid over a limited time interval. The beginning of active activity in this area in the PRC dates back to the period when the countries of the European Union and the United States of America implemented the basic reforms necessary for the implementation of complex infrastructure projects in the field of smart energy networks. Key words: energy, innovation, Smart Grid, evaluation techniques.

Napredak ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 77-102
Author(s):  
Žarko Obradović

The Chinese state has existed for more than five thousand years and in the history of human society it has always presented its own specific civilizational attainment, which exerted a considerable influence on the Asian region. In the years since its creation on October 1, 1949, and especially in the last decade, New China has stepped out beyond the region of Asia onto the global scene. With its economic power and international development projects (amongst which the Belt and Road projects stands out), China has become a leader of development and the promoter of the idea of international cooperation in the interests of peace and security in the world and the protection of the future of mankind. This paper will attempt to delineate the elements of the development of the People's Republic of China in the 21st century, placing a special focus on the realization of the Belt and Road initiative and the results of the struggle against the Covid-19 pandemic, all of which have made China an essential factor in the power relations between great global forces and the resultant change of attitude of the United States of America and the European Union towards China. Namely, China has always been a large country in terms of the size of its territory and population, but it is in the 21st century that the PR of China has become a strong state with the status of a global power. Such results in the organization of society and the state, the promotion of new development ideas and the achievement of set goals, would not have been possible without the Communist Party of China, as the main ideological, integrative and organizational factor within Chinese society. In its activities, the Chinese state sublimates the experiences of China's past with an understanding of the present moment in the international community and the need of Chinese citizens to improve the quality of life and to ensure stable development of the country. The United States and the European Union are taking various measures to oppose the strengthening of the People's Republic of China. These include looking after their interests and preserving their position in the international community, while simultaneously trying, if possible, to avoid jeopardizing their economic cooperation with China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-67
Author(s):  
Dusko Dimitrijevic

The current relations of the Republic of Serbia with the People?s Republic of China (hereinafter: Serbia and China) are conditioned by many political, economic, legal and social factors. The mentioned factors point to the existence of asymmetry in many aspects which, however, is not an issue that implies that the two parties can not develop good and friendly relations. In the historical and international legal sense, the relations of the two countries are characterized by the continuity of diplomatic relations established on January 2, 1955, between the then Federal People's Republic Yugoslavia and the People's Republic of China. Serbia as the successor state of SFR Yugoslavia continues to treat China as one of its most important partners in international relations, which is manifested through the foreign policy course, according to which China is one of the main ?pillars? of Serbia's foreign policy alongside the European Union, Russia and the United States. The mere reference to the main ?pillars? in Serbia's foreign policy orientation indicates that China is a key player in world politics and a great power with which Serbia needs to build relations of a ?comprehensive strategic partnership?. It is not surprising, therefore, that the deepening of the Serbian-Chinese relations on a bilateral and multilateral level (especially within the UN, regional international organizations and political forums such as the 16 + 1 mechanism between China and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) contributed to better strategic positioning of Serbia in modern international relations.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 145-169
Author(s):  
Przemysław Ciborek

In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.In the opinion of many researchers, Sino-Serbian bilateral relations during the COVID-19 pandemic have hit an all-time high. The People’s Republic of China was the first country to aid Serbia in the face of internal problems within the European Union. The EU’s inconsistent policy during the global health crisis has enabled political and economic rapprochement of Belgrade with Beijing and Moscow. In addition, it seems that the political influence of the United States and the European Union on the domestic and foreign policy of Serbia is weakening. Due to the specificity of Serbian media, the Chinese republic is also gaining many supporters among Serb citizens. The pro-government media coverage is supplemented by the government’s praise of the Chinese leadership. Regarding the Four Pillar Foreign Policy strategy introduced by the then President Boris Tadić, it appears that despite Serbia’s ongoing EU accession process, the People’s Republic of China appears to be the most significant ‘pillar’ in Serbia’s foreign policy during COVID-19 pandemic.


2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
Madoka Fukuda

AbstractThis article examines the substance and modification of the “One-China” principle, which the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) pursued in the mid 1960s. Under this principle, a country wishing to establish diplomatic relations with the PRC was required first to break off such relations with the Republic of China (ROC). In 1964 the PRC established diplomatic relations with France. This was its first ambassadorial exchange with a Western government. The PRC, in the negotiations over the establishment of diplomatic relations, attempted to achieve some consensus with France on the matter of “One-China”. The PRC, nevertheless, had to abandon these attempts, even though it demanded fewer conditions of France than of the United States (USA), Japan and other Western countries in the 1970s. The PRC had demanded adherence to the “One-China” principle since 1949. France, however, refused to accept this condition. Nevertheless, the PRC established diplomatic relations with France before the latter broke off relations with the ROC. Subsequently, the PRC abandoned the same condition in negotiations with the African governments of the Republic of Congo, Central Africa, Dahomey and Mauritania. After the negotiations with France, the PRC began to insist that the joint communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations should clearly state that “the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal government of China”. However, France refused to insert these words into the communiqué. Afterwards, the PRC nevertheless insisted on putting such a statement into the joint communiqués or exchanges of notes on the establishment of diplomatic relations with the African countries mentioned above. This was done in order to set precedents for making countries accede to the “One-China” principle. The “One-China” principle was, thus, gradually formed in the process of the negotiation and bargaining between the PRC and other governments.


1997 ◽  
Vol 91 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-517
Author(s):  
Marian Nash (Leich)

On March 3,1997, President William J. Clinton transmitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification as a treaty the Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of Hong Kong for the Surrender of Fugitive Offenders, signed at Hong Kong on December 20,1996. In his letter of transmittal, President Clinton pointed out that, upon its entry into force, the Agreement would “enhance cooperation between the law enforcement communities of the United States and Hong Kong, and … provide a framework and basic protections for extraditions after the reversion of Hong Kong to the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China on July 1, 1997.” The President continued: Given the absence of an extradition treaty with the People’s Republic of China, this Treaty would provide the means to continue an extradition relationship with Hong Kong after reversion and avoid a gap in law enforcement. It will thereby make a significant contribution to international law enforcement efforts.The provisions of this Agreement follow generally the form and content of extradition treaties recently concluded by the United States. In addition, the Agreement contains several provisions specially designed in light of the particular status of Hong Kong. The Agreement’s basic protections for fugitives are also made expressly applicable to fugitives surrendered by the two parties before the new treaty enters into force.


2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
GIOVANNI BERNARDINI

AbstractThis article focuses on the interplay between the political authorities and economic actors in the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of establishing relations with the People's Republic of China after 1949. Within this framework, the article will assess the role played by the Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft (Eastern Committee of German Economy), a semi-official organization recognized by the West German government. Both the ability of German economic actors and China's urgent need for economic contact with the West caused German-Chinese trade relations to circumvent the strict non-recognition policy followed by the West German government. The article also argues that, while economic relations heralded official recognition of the People's Republic of China by other Western European countries, in the case of the Federal Republic of Germany a division between the two spheres was finally accepted by the major actors involved, and ended only after the change of attitude imparted by the Nixon presidency in the United States during the early 1970s.


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