Japanese Americans in Academia and Political Discourse in Japan

Author(s):  
Okiyoshi Takeda

I am a political scientist specializing in Asian American politics. Although I earned my PhD in the United States, my initial interest was in the U.S. Congress and not in Japanese American studies or Asian American studies. What shifted my interest toward Asian American studies was that I had witnessed firsthand a campus sit-in at the Princeton University president’s office, where students were fighting for the establishment of an Asian American studies program. Witnessing such an incident, I realized that Asian Americans were an understudied topic in the field of political science. There is also a tendency for scholars from Japan to focus exclusively on Japanese Americans and to disregard other Asian American ethnic groups. Since I did not start out my study on Asian Americans in a graduate school in Japan with an interest in Japanese Americans, I have been able to avoid taking that kind of path....

2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 1033-1044
Author(s):  
Sonia Ryang

Based on the articles in this “Global Asias” forum, this essay proposes that in order to build a meaningful bridge between Asian studies and Asian American studies, we must first face what needs to be critically overcome in Asian studies itself: persistent white male domination of the field, on the one hand, and historical role that the United States has played in Asia, on the other. One possibility is to adopt a transnational Asian studies approach, which advocates bringing Asian studies and Asian American studies together while also envisioning radical interdisciplinarity across Asian studies and African American studies, Latino/a studies, and Asian American studies. The key to pursuing such an approach would be to create a teaching and research environment of inclusion and collaboration.


Author(s):  
Takeyuki Tsuda

This introduction provides theoretical background for understanding ethnic heritage differences among different generations of Japanese Americans. It also addresses the importance of ethnic heritage for Asian American studies, as well as research on ethnic minorities, immigrants, and diasporas. The chapter interrogates the concept of generations and explores how ethnic heritage is relevant to analyses of homeland, assimilation, transnationalism, racialization, and multiculturalism. The research methodology section discusses the author’s fieldwork as a “native anthropologist” and argues that both native and non-native anthropologists are partial outsiders who are positioned at a relative distance from those they study in the field. Ultimately, the cultural differences anthropologists experience with “natives” are productive for fieldwork and essential for anthropological knowledge.


2018 ◽  
Vol 677 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Lee ◽  
Karthick Ramakrishnan ◽  
Janelle Wong

Asian Americans are the fastest-growing group in the United States, increasing from 0.7 percent in 1970 to nearly 6 percent in 2016. The U.S. Census Bureau projects that by 2065, Asian Americans will constitute 14 percent of the U.S. population. Immigration is fueling this growth: China and India have passed Mexico as the top countries sending immigrants to the United States since 2013. Today, two of three Asian Americans are foreign born—a figure that increases to nearly four of five among Asian American adults. The rise in numbers is accompanied by a rise in diversity: Asian Americans are the most diverse U.S. racial group, comprising twenty-four detailed origins with vastly different migration histories and socioeconomic profiles. In this article, we explain how the unique characteristics of Asian Americans affect their patterns of ethnic and racial self-identification, which, in turn, present challenges for accurately counting this population. We conclude by discussing policy ramifications of our findings, and explain why data disaggregation is a civil rights issue.


2000 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles N. Weaver

Analysis of the responses of Asian American ( n = 178), African American ( n = 1,026), and European American ( n = 8,118) full-time workers to 21 nationwide surveys representative of the U.S. labor force from 1972 through 1996 showed the job satisfaction of Asian Americans compared to that of the other two groups was affected by whether subjects were born in the United States. In addition, there were no gender differences in job satisfaction among African Americans and European Americans who were and were not born in the U.S., but there were such differences among Asian Americans.


Author(s):  
Christopher B. Patterson

Asian Americans have frequently been associated with video games. As designers they are considered overrepresented, and specific groups appear to dominate depictions of the game designer, from South Asian and Chinese immigrants working for Microsoft and Silicon Valley to auteur designers from Japan, Taiwan, and Iran, who often find themselves with celebrity status in both America and Asia. As players, Asian Americans have been depicted as e-sports fanatics whose association with video game expertise—particularly in games like Starcraft, League of Legends, and Counter-Strike—is similar to sport-driven associations of racial minorities: African Americans and basketball or Latin Americans and soccer. This immediate association of Asian Americans with gaming cultures breeds a particular form of techno-orientalism, defined by Greta A. Niu, David S. Roh, and Betsy Huang as “the phenomenon of imagining Asia and Asians in hypo- or hypertechnological terms in cultural productions and political discourse.” In sociology, Asian American Studies scholars have considered how these gaming cultures respond to a lack of acceptance in “real sports” and how Asian American youth have fostered alternative communities in PC rooms, arcades, and online forums. For still others, this association also acts as a gateway for non-Asians to enter a “digital Asia,” a space whose aesthetics and forms are firmly intertwined with Japanese gaming industries, thus allowing non-Asian subjects to inhabit “Asianness” as a form of virtual identity tourism. From a game studies point of view, video games as transnational products using game-centered (ludic) forms of expression push scholars to think beyond the limits of Asian American Studies and subjectivity. Unlike films and novels, games do not rely upon representations of minority figures for players to identify with, but instead offer avatars to play with through styles of parody, burlesque, and drag. Games do not communicate through plot and narrative so much as through procedures, rules, and boundaries so that the “open world” of the game expresses political and social attitudes. Games are also not nationalized in the same way as films and literature, making “Asian American” themes nearly indecipherable. Games like Tetris carry no obvious national origins (Russian), while games like Call of Duty and Counter-Strike do not explicitly reveal or rely upon the ethnic identities of their Asian North American designers. Games challenge Asian American Studies as transnational products whose authors do not identify explicitly as Asian American, and as a form of artistic expression that cannot be analyzed with the same reliance on stereotypes, tropes, and narrative. It is difficult to think of “Asian American” in the traditional sense with digital games. Games provide ways of understanding the Asian American experience that challenge traditional meanings of being Asian American, while also offering alternative forms of community through transethnic (not simply Asian) and transnational (not simply American) modes of belonging.


Author(s):  
Sarah Park Dahlen

Asian American children’s literature includes books of many different genres that depict some aspect of the Asian diaspora. In total, the books should depict the breadth and depth of Asian diasporic experiences. Children’s books published in the early 20th century include mostly folktales, while books published after the 1965 Immigration Act tend to include contemporary fiction, poetry, and biographies. They address topics such as immigration and acculturation as well as capture landmark moments and experiences in Asian American history, such as the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II and the transnational, transracial adoption of Asian children to the United States. Books published at the turn of the 20th century have broached newer topics, such as mixed-race identities, and are written in a variety of genres including fantasy. As noted by the Cooperative Children’s Book Center, the number of books by and/or about Asian Americans published is disproportionate to the total number of books published each year and to the population of Asians in the Americas. Also some Asian American writers continue to publish on topics unrelated to their identities. Academic researchers, practitioners, and writers have addressed various aspects of how this body of literature represents Asian Americans, mostly noting distortions and erasure and offering suggestions for improvement, emerging topics, and engagement with young people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-224
Author(s):  
Bao Lo

This article extends critical discussions on decolonization and settler colonialism specifically as it relates to Asian American Studies. The author argues for a centering of settler colonialism in Asian Americans Studies as epistemic decolonization of the imperial practices of the university. Focusing on the curriculum and pedagogy in courses she teaches in Asian American Studies, the author offers meaningful suggestions for engaging settler colonialism in the implementation of Asian American Studies and Ethnic Studies in higher education.


Author(s):  
Yoonmee Chang

Chapter 14 engages a sustained critique of the ableist aspects of Asian American studies. Such ableism, as Chang maintains, obscures through minoritized exceptionalism the possibility of a disabled Asian American personhood, rendering such bodies as “impossible subjects.”


Author(s):  
Stephanie Hinnershitz

In November 2008, Floridians who went to the polls to cast their ballots for the next president of the United States also had the chance to reverse eighty years of institutionalized discrimination against Asian Americans in their state. Asian American rights groups in Florida and nationwide distributed pamphlets, sent emails, and spoke to media outlets to build support for a ballot initiative that proposed removing the “aliens ineligible for citizenship” clause from the state constitution. There was hope that Florida could go the way of states like Kansas and New Mexico and formally remove the lingering anti-Asian language. Although the U.S. Supreme Court rendered legislative measures to prevent aliens ineligible for citizenship from owning land unconstitutional in 1952, the connection between the continued presence of this outdated language in the constitution and the legacy of anti-Asian sentiment was clear—this would be a symbolic victory that would signal a purge of de jure if not de facto prejudice and racism aimed at Asian Americans. Because Florida’s anti-alien legislation was enshrined in the constitution, 60 percent of voters would have to approve the initiative in order to remove the discriminatory language from the first amendment and insert neutral language specifying property rights for all. Surely, in the twenty-first century, Floridians would recognize the outdated and discriminatory portion of their constitution and vote to move the law of their land beyond the limits of the past....


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