From “Motherhood in the Interest of the State” to Motherhood in the Interest of Mothers

Author(s):  
Hillary Maxson

In the aftermath of World War II, many Japanese women felt impelled to exorcise “martial motherhood,” a stoic, tearless, child-sacrificing gender ideal constructed by the state throughout the early twentieth century. At the Mothers’ Congress of 1955, mothers from across the country gathered to reclaim motherhood from the state and began to redefine motherhood for themselves in the postwar era. This chapter argues that the Mothers’ Congress represented a moment of transition from the wartime concept of “motherhood in the interest of the state” to the postwar idea of motherhood in the interest of mothers. Furthermore, the influential power of the organizers of Japan’s Mothers’ Congress was fundamental in the creation of the 1955 World Congress of Mothers. This was the first instance in which Japanese women became international feminist leaders, and they did so through the language of matricentric feminism.

2021 ◽  
pp. 147-160
Author(s):  
Julie Golia

After World War II, transformations in the newspaper industry, in mainstream gender values, and in the nature of popular discourse again reshaped Americans’ experience with advice. The rise in the 1950s of a new generation of advice columns, led by Ann Landers and Abigail Van Buren, also marked the decline of local, participatory columns like the Detroit News’ “Experience” and the Chicago Defender’s “Advice to the Wise and Otherwise.” Yet early twentieth-century advice columns set key precedents of collective communication that continue to shape the digital communities that serve as our primary modes of personal interaction today.


Author(s):  
Daishiro Nomiya

High modernity claims that the modernity project gave rise to institutional organs of modern nation states, culminating in an emergence of ultra-military states with wartime economy in the early twentieth century. It also argues that the same developmental pattern continued to dominate in the post-World War II period. This chapter examines this high-modernity thesis, employing Japan and Hiroshima as cases to be analyzed. Against the high-modernity thesis, many believe that Japan had a historical disjuncture in 1945, being ultramilitary before the end of World War II and a peaceful nation after. Examinations show that, while the modernity project controlled a large-scale historical process in Japan, it met vehement resistance, and became stranded in Hiroshima.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mauricio V Daker

Kahlbaum’s seminal approach to symptom complexes, as opposed to disease entities, is still relevant. Many psychopathologists have approached mental symptom complexes without prejudging them as necessary physical deficits or diseases, favouring a broader dimensional and anthropological view of mental disorders. Discussions of symptom complexes gained prominence in psychiatry in the early twentieth century – through Hoche – and in the period leading up to World War II – through Carl Schneider. Their works, alongside those of Kraepelin, Bumke, Kehrer, Jaspers and others, are reviewed in relation to the theme of symptom complexes, the mind, and mental disorders. A particular feature of symptom complexes is their relationship to aspects of the normal mind and how this affects clinical manifestations. It is further suggested that symptom complexes might offer a useful bridge between the psychic and the biological in theories of the mind.


1993 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-220
Author(s):  
Allan Metz

This article seeks to demonstrate how Monsignor Gustavo Juan Franceschi (1871–1957) became a friend of the newly created state of Israel when only twenty years earlier he had maintained that Jews constituted Argentina's major political problem. This intellectual transformation will be traced through a consideration of Franceschi's writings about the Jews. As a prominent member of the Catholic church and a strong advocate of Argentine nationalism, his views also reflected the generally ambivalent and suspicious attitude which that powerful institution held regarding Jews. However, following the devastation of European Jewry during World War II and the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, Franceschi's opinion of Jews moderated, resulting in greater understanding. Before presenting Franceschi's views, a consideration of Argentine Catholic nationalism will be provided in order to place these opinions within a proper context.


Author(s):  
Stepan Kavan

This article is a reflection of statehood education as a basic element of education. The research focuses on the period after the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918 to the time before World War II in 1939. The aim of the research is to explore the basic approaches to the implementation of education for statehood in terms of the creation of a new state in relation to civil defence education in Czechoslovakia. The comparative historical analysis will be utilized as the research method on the subject of education for statehood. The comparative historical analysis is used as a specific tool for qualitative research. This is a procedure which can be applied to the statehood issue of education to its basic elements, by which it will be possible to learn more about this phenomenon and subsequently explain it. Perceptions and ideas about the tasks of the state have gradually changed and evolved. This means the creation and development of the legal order, providing security and order within the state. Education for statehood was directed to such education and creating an environment so that every citizen, irrespective of nationality, religion, political opinion and social environment in which they live, has the physical and mental ability and willing to enthusiastically and faithfully fulfill their civic duties.Keywords: Statehood, Czechoslovak Republic, civil defence education 


Author(s):  
Roger E. Backhouse ◽  
Bradley W. Bateman ◽  
Tamotsu Nishizawa

This chapter establishes that the British welfare state was the creation of Liberals as much as socialists. By the early twentieth century, the “New Liberalism” was moving the Liberal Party away from Gladstonian Liberalism, and the Asquith government took major steps toward a welfare state before World War I. The economists arguing for the welfare state included many Liberals, notably Alfred Marshall, J. A. Hobson, A. C. Pigou, William Beveridge, and John Maynard Keynes. British Liberalism was varied, and influential strands within it were strongly supportive of the welfare state. Beveridge and Keynes, in particular, were responsible for much of the intellectual architecture of the welfare state as it was implemented by the first postwar Labour government of Clement Attlee.


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

This chapter covers the period between World War II and 1967. In many ways 1948 was a decisive moment in the foreign policies of American Jews. This is the year that two different solutions to the Jewish Problem and the Jewish Question took firm institutional shape—the State of Israel and the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. American Jews were involved in both developments. In retrospect, two elements stand out in this period. After decades of worrying about the tensions between nationalism and cosmopolitanism, they began to relax. It also is surprising how little the creation of Israel affected American Jewry, and that tepidness stems partly from the fact that American Jews had never been die-hard nationalists.


Author(s):  
Daniel Stedman Jones

This chapter illustrates how Friedrich Hayek began to develop an intellectual and organizational strategy to protect and maintain “the free society” as World War II drew to an end. His strategy looked to the influence of the early twentieth-century American progressives and British Fabian socialists and argued that defenders of liberty would have to develop a similar organizational and intellectual strategy. The result of Hayek's efforts was that a sympathetic group of intellectuals from Paris, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Manchester, the LSE, and Chicago came together under his leadership to form a kind of neoliberal international. The group called itself the Mont Pelerin Society after the venue of its first meeting, which was held in Vevey, Switzerland.


Author(s):  
Barbara Cohen-Stratyner

Gertrude Hoffman (Hoffmann) was an early twentieth-century Broadway dance director and performer, and the first woman to receive a dance direction—or choreographic—credit on Broadway. From her first credited choreography for Punch, Judy & Co (1903), through to her retirement in the early 1940s, she was known for her clever and innovative staging of women’s precision choruses for both the Broadway and the international stage. As a solo performer, however, she is remembered as an impersonator of other vaudeville and theater performers and concert dancers, developing a vaudeville feature act called The Borrowed Art of Gertrude Hoffman. Hoffman developed and performed in the first U.S. productions of the Ballets Russes repertoire (1911–15), was the first woman admitted to the Theatrical Managers’ Protective Association, and, after buying herself out of her previously signed contracts, set up her own producing organization. In the 1920s and 1930s, she created and staged dance specialties for precision dance teams, known as The Gertrude Hoffman Girls, comprised of twelve to twenty-four performers. Her troupes appeared in the Shuberts’ annual Broadway revues and musicals, as well as in ‘‘picture palaces’’ and large cinemas in America and Western Europe. She retired when World War II closed access to the European entertainment industry.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
WAYNE DOOLING

AbstractCape Town's black population of the early twentieth century actively pursued lifestyles that might be described as respectable. But respectability was expensive, and poverty —characterised by poor housing, ill health and shortened lifespans — stood in the way of some of its most essential elements: cleanliness, sexual restraint, sobriety, and the creation of nuclear and gendered households. Black respectability, therefore, could not simply replicate that of the dominant white bourgeoisie. Most challenging was the development of rampant black criminality, often seen by contemporary observers as the result of the failure of black women to realise respectable households. Even attempts on the part of the state to create respectable citizenries floundered, partly because these initiatives were incompatible with the policies of racial segregation. The state and the dominant bourgeoisie put their faith in the black elite as the standard-bearers of respectability, but the reality was that the respectability of the ‘superior’ class was frequently indistinguishable from those below, a consequence of the fact that the boundary between these classes was highly porous.


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