Political Institutions and Property Rights: Veto Players and Foreign Exchange Commitments in 127 Countries

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Weymouth

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mogens K. Justesen

Differences in property rights institutions are often thought to contribute to explaining cross-national differences in economic development. If secure and universally enforced property rights help produce collectively beneficial economic results, the question is why there is so much variation in the institutions and rules that regulate property rights. Based on institutional analysis, the purpose of this article is to analyse why some states and governments establish and enforce property rights that are good for growth while others do not. The argument is that the incentive to enforce and protect property rights is shaped by particular political institutions, namely those that relate to the size of a government’s supporting coalition and the extent of power sharing among veto players. The empirical analyses show that coalition institutions are strongly related to property rights while the impact of power sharing is less robust.







2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Lihn ◽  
Christian Bjørnskov

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore how the strength of political veto players affects the long-run credibility of economic institutions and how they jointly affect entrepreneurial activity. Design/methodology/approach The authors employ an annual panel covering 30 OECD countries from 1993 to 2011. Findings An error correction model identifies a positive and significant short-run effect on self-employment from large government spending at low levels of veto player strength. A static model conversely indicates that smaller government spending is positively associated with entrepreneurship at lower levels of veto player strength in the long run. Originality/value The authors are the first to explore the interaction of economic and political institutions in the development of entrepreneurship.



1991 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
B P Herber

In this paper economic theory is applied to the global atmospheric problems of greenhouse warming and ozone-layer depletion. Previous work by economists on the subject of environmental pollution has largely ignored the global dimension of the problem such as characterizes the greenhouse and ozone issues, thus resulting in the absence of an appropriate property rights basis for implementing economically efficient atmospheric utilization policies. The present analysis is an attempt to fill this void and, in so doing, to construct an economic basis for global atmospheric policies. Its analytical foundation will utilize such economic concepts as public goods and bads, externalities, common property resources, and Pareto-efficiency. The study will interact with the disciplines of international law and political science because of the relevance of political institutions and property rights to the analysis. The nature of the economic demand and supply for a clean global atmosphere is examined in section 1 and in section 2 the problems inherent in international collective consumption such as occurs in the utilization of the global atmosphere are considered. In section 3 the economist's Pareto-efficiency rule is applied as a basis for international agreements in pursuit of efficient atmospheric use and in section 4 global atmospheric policy options are considered within the parameters of contemporary international social choice institutions. The creation of a sovereign international body to implement an international law of the atmosphere that is founded upon the legal premise of global property rights to the atmosphere is recommended.



2010 ◽  
pp. 15-39
Author(s):  
Victor Nee ◽  
Sonja Opper

State-centered theory asserts that political institutions and credible commitment by political elite to formal rules securing property rights provides the necessary and sufficient conditions for economic growth to take place. In this approach, the evolution of institutions favorable to economic performance is a top-down process led by politicians who control the state. Hence, in less developed and poor countries, the counterfactual is that if formal institutions secure property rights and check predatory action by the political elite, then sustained economic growth would follow. The limitation of state-centered theory stems from the problem that behavioral prescriptions - formal rules and regulations - that reflect what politicians prefer can be ignored. In contrast, we lay out the bottomup construction of economic institutions that gave rise to capitalist economic development in China. Entrepreneurship in the economically developed regions of the coastal provinces was not fueled by exogenous institutional changes. When the first entrepreneurs decided to decouple from the traditional socialist production system, the government had neither initiated financial reforms inviting a broader societal participation, nor had it provided property rights protection or transparent rules specifying company registration and liabilities. Instead, it was the development and use of innovative informal arrangements within close-knit groups of like-minded actors that provided the necessary funding and reliable business norms. This allowed the first wave of entrepreneurs to survive outside of the state-owned manufacturing system. This bottom-up process resembles earlier accounts of the rise of capitalism in the West.



Author(s):  
Carlos G. Scartascini ◽  
Mariano Tommasi ◽  
Ernesto Hugo Stein


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPHER A. HARTWELL

AbstractNorth (1994) famously remarked that ‘it is the polity that defines and enforces property rights’. This paper traces the development of property rights in Poland and Ukraine and explores their divergence over the past three centuries using North's framework of economic calculation. In each country, the distribution of political power and political institutions had a profound impact on property rights. Indeed, while it was the Polishpolitythat defined the evolution of property rights from 1386 to 1795 and then from 1989 onward, due to diffusion of power, it was Ukrainianpoliticiansthat controlled the destiny of property rights for most of Ukraine's history. This situation has not changed despite the Maidan revolution in Ukraine, and recent moves in Poland show how tenuous property rights are in the face of political opposition.



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