scholarly journals Separation of Powers, Political Competition and Efficient Provision of Public Goods

Author(s):  
Aristotelis Boukouras ◽  
Kostas Koufopoulos
Author(s):  
Margarita Zavadskaya ◽  
◽  

Local self-government in Russia has undergone a number of transformations - from spontaneous decentralization in the 1990s until the stage-by-stage integration into the state vertical system from 2003-2006. Despite the de facto loss of political and, partly, administrative autonomy, we see a huge diversity in the quality of governance and provision of public goods at the local level. Based on the Database of Municipalities' Characteristics (DMC) of Rosstat from 2008 to 2017 and data from the Central Election Commission (CEC of the Russian Federation), the article presents indices of the quality of the provision of public goods and analyzes the relationship with the Duma voting in 2016 and the budgetary autonomy of the municipality. Despite the continuing centralization of government, researchers still observe an impressive variation in both the formats of political competition and administrative practices in the regions, especially at the local level. The results of the analysis point to a number of patterns: 1. There is no strong link between budget independence and the quality of management; 2. Securing votes does not lead to the attraction of additional resources to the field and may even divert scarce funds and the human resources to technically support this loyalty.


2020 ◽  
pp. 180-204
Author(s):  
Christian Salas ◽  
Frances Mccall Rosenbluth ◽  
Ian Shapiro

Failures of representation and democracy cannot be solved by weakening parties. Rather, democratic success requires political competition among strong parties that can identify and defend the broad interests of the community as a whole. The fragmentation of political parties reduces spending on public goods, and weakening party discipline diminishes political accountability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-450 ◽  
Author(s):  
Desiree A Desierto

Existing formal models show that remittances generate a resource curse by allowing the government to appropriate its revenues toward rents, rather than public good provision. Households spend their remittance income on public-good substitutes, thereby alleviating the pressure on the government to provide public goods. However, the process by which the government survives the implicit threat of political challengers remains unspecified. By explicitly modeling political competition, I show that there is actually no resource curse from remittances. When there are challengers who can threaten to replace the incumbent leader, the best that any challenger can do is to offer not to take advantage of households’ provision of public-good substitutes, which induces the incumbent to try to match the offer. In equilibrium, public good provision is independent of remittances. This result holds even when no challenger can credibly commit to maintaining her offer once she is in power.


2005 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jörg Märkt

AbstractWithout variety, there is no competition. In the field of political competition the constituency must have options between different political agents as well. The state is often regarded as a natural monopoly which is contradictory to competition. Industrial economics have developed criteria for the identification of natural monopolies and give information about opportunities to disaggregate them. This paper transfers those results to the examination of the state. In analyzing the disaggregation of the natural monopoly of the state, the separation of powers is of vital importance: It induces not only the division of powers to different actors, but also reduces the entry barriers to the political competition process. Therefore, it enhances the political choice for individuals and reduces their risk of being exploited by politicians.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 486-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
CESI CRUZ ◽  
JULIEN LABONNE ◽  
PABLO QUERUBÍN

We study the relationship between social structure and political incentives for public goods provision. We argue that when politicians—rather than communities—are responsible for the provision of public goods, social fractionalization may decrease the risk of elite capture and lead to increased public goods provision and electoral competition. We test this using large-scale data on family networks from over 20 million individuals in 15,000 villages of the Philippines. We take advantage of naming conventions to assess intermarriage links between families and use community detection algorithms to identify the relevant clans in those villages. We show that there is more public goods provision and political competition in villages with more fragmented social networks, a result that is robust to controlling for a large number of village characteristics and to alternative estimation techniques.


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