scholarly journals Going It Alone in the Asia-Pacific: Regional Trade Agreements without the United States

Author(s):  
Peter A. Petri ◽  
Michael G. Plummer ◽  
Shujiro Urata ◽  
Fan Zhai

Significance In contrast to this tariff escalation, eagerness to preserve the multilateral, rules-based economic order is drawing Asian countries into inter-regional trade agreements. Negotiations are ongoing to bring into effect a 16-state Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and an eleven-member Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Impacts Absent US involvement in the trade agreements, China will champion its own version of global free trade. Modifications within the CPTPP may reduce any incentive for the United States to rejoin. A US withdrawal from the WTO would weaken dispute systems used by smaller countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 299-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Gantz

Abstract This introduction explores the historical changes in the trade policies of the United States (U.S.), namely, the shift from the support of multilateral rules to the embracement of regional trade agreements and provides an overview of the political and economic considerations behind the conclusion of the major U.S. free trade agreements.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-166
Author(s):  
Fernanda de Castro Brandão Martins

The United States is facing growing challenges to the advancement of its interests in the World Trade Organization. The assertiveness of emerging countries in advancing their interests in the Doha Round made the achievement of a deal almost impossible. Slow progress is being made (the Trade Facilitation Agreement, for example), but no broad and significant trade deal has been reached so far. There are ongoing suggestions that the Doha round should be abandoned for good. The TPP and TTIP represented two shots the United States has taken to advance its trade interests outside the scope of the WTO, escaping possible challenges imposed by emerging countries. The irony behind this is that the trade regime in force was created by the United States at the height of its hegemony. The questions driving this paper are: Is this option for trade agreements related to American hegemonic decline? And to what extent does this option weaken the weaken the multilateral trade regime embodied in the WTO? There is a brief discussion about the future of this strategy under Trump’s presidency, who has a different stance regarding regional trade agreements.     Recebido em: maio/2018.Aprovado em: janeiro/2019.


Significance However, the government forecasts just 2.60% growth for the full year 2018. GDP growth in Taiwan is volatile but it is trending downward, averaging 2.5% annually during the years 2011-17. Taiwan’s disputed sovereignty and ambiguous international legal status make it difficult for it to maintain its global competitiveness as a small, highly trade-dependent economy. Impacts Other regional states will find an eager and active partner in Taiwan but they will be wary of antagonising China. Trade tensions between China and the United States threaten Taiwan's economy, since many Taiwanese companies supply Chinese exporters. Beijing may insist that regional trade agreements do not accept Taiwan as a member unless they include China, too.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Kathleen Claussen

These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.


2007 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 974-987 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bhavish Jugurnath ◽  
Mark Stewart ◽  
Robert Brooks

Significance The Obama administration faces an uphill fight in Congress to secure enough votes for TPP ratification, given Democratic suspicions of free trade agreements, Republican animus for the White House and the frustrations of key industry groups in the United States. The United States can in effect veto the TPP's international implementation, while the White House's 'Asia pivot' policy relies partly on firmer trade ties with East and South-east Asia. Impacts The battle over TPP will likely divert political capital and US government resources from the TTIP negotiations. China may benefit diplomatically in the Asia-Pacific if the United States blocks TPP from coming into force. The trade debate may spill over to greater US legislative attention on currency manipulation issues ahead of 2017.


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