How Long do Mexican Migrants Work in the U.S.?

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwight Steward ◽  
Amy Raub ◽  
Jeannie Elliott
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Alanís Enciso Fernando Saúl ◽  
Russ Davidson

This chapter discusses the Cardenista government’s attempt to find a solution to the foreseen threat of a mass return of Mexican migrants from the U.S. Chapter 3 details how the Cardenas administration established that only a strict selection of skilled agricultural labourers would be permitted to return, and details how the administration determined that individual Mexican states should accept responsibility for providing both housing and assistance for repatriated nationals. Drawing on an overview of the studies conducted by the Cardenas administration on the population of Mexican nationals living in the U.S., this chapter states that ultimately, it was proposed that 450,000 people could be resettled at the cost of 366,345,291 pesos, and that this figure was well outside the government’s budget. Lastly, this chapter notes that plans for a resettlement colony in Baja California- called “Mexico Libre”- were established but never came to fruition.


2018 ◽  
pp. 136-142
Author(s):  
Adrián Félix

The final chapter concludes by raising the specter of transnational afterlife and the implications of the book for migration studies. By tracing the thickening of transnational citizenship across the migrant political life cycle, Specters of Belonging adds to our understanding of migrant cross-border affiliations, allegiances and attachments. In doing so, the book challenges the linear logic of neo-assimilationists, who contend that the U.S. continues to integrate migrants as it did during previous eras of mass migration, by pointing to the institutional racism that impedes the process of migrant “incorporation.” Conversely, the book also challenges the irresolute circularity of the transnational perspective, which depicts migrants as ambivalent about their sense of belonging to their country of settlement and of origin. By capturing migrants’ cross-border enunciations, enactments and embodiments of transnational citizenship, Specters of Belonging argues that Mexican migrants are tenaciously transnational, defying the border in life and death.


1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72
Author(s):  
David Molina ◽  
R. Todd Jewell

This paper presents an analysis of Mexican migrants to the U.S. and theirdecisions to remigrate. We concentrate on the relative impacts of market and nonmarketfactors such as income, remittances, and migration networks. We analyze theremigration decision of male, illegal migrants using data from the Mexican MigrationProject. Current migration proposals are geared towards policy that would allowfor some type of temporary workers. The empirical model presented here allowsfor a comparison of the relative impacts of market and non-market factors on thedecision to choose among different remigration options. The results indicate thatincome, remittances, and migration networks have significant effects on the remigrationdecisions of male, undocumented migrants.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rana Basam Khan ◽  
◽  
Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
◽  
...  

It has been decades since legislative issues have thought about social, defense, and compassionate issues of migration which has become a touchstone in U.S strategy discussion. Mexican migration to the U.S started in 1848. It has proceeded to the present with no critical interference, something that makes this work movement very particular as a basic segment of the American work advertise. Generally started with enormous development, driven by starvation, political problems, open doors in the U.S; that point eased back, tightened, or unexpectedly finished, from 1850 to 1882, similar to the case of the Chinese. The details show that Mexico is a key source of settlers in U.S and has long been a major source of enemy contact with refugees, but so many have been focusing on Mexico and not the other countries which have also become major sources of illegal immigrants. The United States and Mexico are bordered with California, San Diego, and Baja California, Tijuana, and the Pacific Ocean. The boundary stretches eastward to El Paso, Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua, Texas, on the Rio Grande. From that point the border continues south-east along the Rio Grande River until the end of it in the Gulf of Mexico. Border stretching of over 1945 miles is insufficiently regulated. Only old solid markers, rusty safety clasp and spoiled dry fence posts can be found in many parts of the place, and the river Grande that over the centuries has continuously changed its course separating both nations. U.S endeavors to control passages and exit adequately have been focused principally along the most profoundly dealt transit courses driving to north. U.S. powerlessness to control all the Mexican boundary has proven that any Mexican involved in operating in the U.S seldom discovers that the frontier is an unlikely trap Through the span of the most recent 170 years, Mexican migrants have to a great extent worked in horticulture, farming, mining, and railroad development.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrr Rossi Oliveira ◽  
Rossitza B. Wooster

2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwight Steward ◽  
Amy Raub ◽  
Jean Elliott
Keyword(s):  

Abstract No abstract available.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 656-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúl Delgado-Wise ◽  
Humberto Márquez Covarrubias

From the perspective of the political economy of development, this article analyzes the role played by Mexican labor in the U.S. productive restructuring process under the aegis of the North American Free Trade Agreement. By conceptualizing the labor export–led model it dissects three basic mechanisms of regional economic integration: maquiladoras, disguised maquilas, and labor migration. Not only does this analytical framework cast light on the contributions made by Mexican migrants to the economies of the United States and Mexico, it also reveals two paradoxes: the broadening of the socioeconomic asymmetries between the two countries, and increased socioeconomic dependence on remittances in Mexico.


Norteamérica ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Salamanca Pacheco

High-skilled Mexican migrants have benefited from the opportunities offered by U.S. visa programs such as the Specialty Occupation visa (H-1B), the Treaty Investor visa (E-2), the EB-5 investor program, and the North American Free Trade Agreement professionals visa (TN). This essay analyzes the possible changes affecting these visas and identifies the main economic, social and political implications of these reforms. It recurs to two main approaches: the mixed-embeddedness framework and the transnational theory. The U.S. migration reform has forced some skilled-migrants to think about transnational spaces in order to reduce uncertainty.  E2 and EB-5 visa holders may diversify risks through a parallel presence of their businesses in both USA and Mexico. H1-B users may think about enhancing their research networks with the Mexican scientific and academic community. TN users may come back and transfer their knowledge back to Mexico. Overall, it is crucial the improvement of the Mexican institutional environment in order to further avoid the exit of valuable social and cognitive capital.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-190
Author(s):  
Benjamin W. Barrett ◽  
T. Elizabeth Durden

Data from 154 different Mexican communities, housed within the Mexican Migration Project (mmp), is used to explore the influence of U.S. assimilation on a Mexican migrant’s propensity to remit money back to Mexico. A migrant opening a U.S. bank account is employed as a proxy for assimilation. Sociodemographic, U.S. migration, and Mexican community control variables are included. It is found that a migrant opening a bank account during the last U.S. migration is associated with a reduced probability of remitting money back to Mexico, suggesting a shift in social and economic activity from Mexico to the U.S. for migrants abroad. Los datos de 154 comunidades mexicanas, agrupados en el Mexican Migration Project (mmp), se utilizan para explorar la influencia de la asimilación a Estados Unidos sobre los migrantes mexicanos, tomando en cuenta su propensión a enviar remesas de vuelta a México. La apertura de una cuenta bancaria en Estados Unidos por parte de un migrante se emplea como una forma subsidiaria de asimilación. Se incluyen variables sociodemográficas, de migración a Estados Unidos y de control de las comunidades mexicanas. Los hallazgos dicen que la apertura de una cuenta bancaria por parte de un migrante durante la última ola de migración a Estados Unidos se asocia a una menor probabilidad de enviar remesas de vuelta a México, lo cual sugiere un cambio en la actividad social y económica de México hacia Estados Unidos por parte de los migrantes en el extranjero.


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