scholarly journals Azerbaijan – Turkey Relations in the International South Caucasus Context (1992–2020)

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 963-971
Author(s):  
K. V. Yumatov ◽  
K. N. Sivina
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.

Soviet Aid to the Spanish Republic in 1936–1939: Modern Conservative Versions

2021 ◽  
pp. 134-142
Author(s):  
Mikhail V. Novikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Gold Reserve ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact

The subject of the study is some modern conservative versions of the history of the Soviet Union’s military assistance to the Spanish Republic in 1936–1939. The aim of the article is to attempt a critical analysis of the new and revived versions of the motives of Soviet intervention in the Spanish conflict, of the involvement of the Soviet leadership in large-scale terror against civilians in the republican zone, of the degree of influence of the Soviet leadership and Soviet representatives in Spain on the governmental structure of the Spanish Republic, of the anti-fascist character of the war. The study has established the inconsistency of the versions about Soviet aid as a means of promoting the world revolution in Spain and as an attempt to draw the democratic and fascist states into a major war between themselves through the Spanish conflict, about the possibilities of Stalin in 1936 to manipulate the great powers. It has been proved that conservative historians exaggerate the degree of influence of Stalin and Soviet political representatives in Spain on the military-political leadership of the republic. The impact of the so-called “instruments” of Soviet influence in the Spanish Republic is also exaggerated. The first of the instruments is considered to be the relocation of part of the gold reserve to Moscow, which, allegedly, allowed the Soviet control over the finances of the republic to be established. The second is the activities of Soviet military advisers; the third is the Communist Party of Spain, which was part of the Comintern, and was considered as an obedient tool in the hands of Moscow. It was and still is traditional to attribute responsibility for unleashing large-scale terror against civilians in the republican zone to Stalin, which does not correspond to reality as convincingly proved by the British historian P. Preston in his famous work The Spanish Holocaust. The scale of terror was exaggerated in the republican zone and, accordingly, understated in the Francoist zone. The study shows the failure of attempts to distort the anti-fascist nature of the war waged by the Spanish Republic relying on the support of the Soviet Union, Mexico, the progressive public of most civilized countries of that time, as well as attempts to present the regimes of Hitler, Mussolini and Franco in 1936–1939 as quite respectable. The new and updated critical versions of the Soviet aid to the Spanish Republic considered in the article are the result of the neoconservative wave in western historiography, which influenced representatives of both the classical historical school and the adherents of postmodernism.

The 13th of December 1981 in the political history of Poland: view through 35 years

2017 ◽  
pp. 369-378
Author(s):  
Vladislav Strutynsky
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Grassroots Organizations ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
History Of ◽  
National Salvation ◽  
The Republic

By analyzing one of the most eventful periods of the modern history of Poland, the early 80s of the XX century, the author examines the dynamics of social and political conflict on the eve of the introduction of martial law, which determines the location of the leading political forces in these events in Poland, that were grouped around the Polish United Labor Party and the Independent trade union «Solidarity», their governing structures and grassroots organizations, highlighting the development of socio-political situation in the country before entering the martial law on the 13th of December and analyzing the relation of the leading countries to the events, especially the Soviet Union. Also, the author distinguishes causes that prevent to reach the compromise in the process of realization different programs, that were offered to public and designed by PUWP and «Solidarity» and were “aimed” to help Polish society to exit an unprecedented conflict. This article provides a comparative analysis of the different analytical meaningful reasons, offered by historians, political scientists, lawyers, and led to the imposition of martial law in the Republic of Poland. The author also analyses the legality of such actions by the state and some conclusions that were reached by scientists, investigating the internal dynamics of the conflict and the process of implementation of tasks, that Polish United Workers’ Party (which ruled at that time) tried to solve with martial law and «Solidarity» was used as self-determination in Polish society. Keywords: Martial law, Independent trade union «Solidarity», inter-factory strike committee, social-political conflict, Polish United Workers’ Party, the Warsaw Pact, the Military Council of National Salvation

A Separate Moldovan Language? The Sociolinguistics of Moldova'sLimba de Stat

2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
pp. 575-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew H. Ciscel
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Language Identity ◽  
The Past ◽  
Imperial Russia ◽  
Language And Power ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Soviet Russia

The politics of language identity have figured heavily in the history of the people of the Republic of Moldova. Indeed the region's status as a province of Russia, Romania, and then the Soviet Union over the past 200 years has consistently been justified and, at least partially, manipulated on the basis of language issues. At the center of these struggles over language and power has been the linguistic and cultural identity of the region's autochthonous ethnicity and current demographic majority, the Moldovans. In dispute is the degree to which these Moldovans are culturally, historically, and linguistically related to the other Moldovans and Romanians across the Prut River in Romania. Under imperial Russia from 1812 to 1918 and Soviet Russia from 1944 to 1991, a proto-Moldovan identity that eschewed connections to Romania and emphasized contact with Slavic peoples was promoted in the region. Meanwhile, experts from Romania and the West have regularly argued that the eastern Moldovans are indistinguishable, historically, culturally, and linguistically, from their Romanian cousins.

scholarly journals Mongolia’s Diplomatic Efforts to Join the United Nations and the Changes in the Position of the Great Powers

2021 ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Ulambayar Denzenlkham
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Korean War ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Republic

This article discusses Mongolia’s 15 years of diplomatic efforts to join the United Nations, the main factors that influenced it, and the changing policies and positions of the Soviet Union, the Kuomintang of China, the United States, and other great powers. Although the Mongolian People’s Republic was able to join the United Nations in 1946, it was influenced by the Soviet Union’s communist position. Since 1946, Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese policy and position have been a major obstacle. The history of the Republic of China, which existed on the mainland between 1912 and 1949, was the history of the struggle for power between the warlords, the history of the struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communists. In the nearly 40 years since the founding of the Republic of China in 1912, neither the warlords nor the Kuomintang have been able to exercise their sovereignty on the mainland, but they are keen to see Outer Mongolia as part of their territory. The Kuomintang was expelled from the mainland in 1949, shortly after 1946. During the Korean War, initiated by Kim Il-sung, Joseph Stalin and Mao Zedong, Mongolia stood firmly behind North Korea, providing both moral and material support. It has not been mentioned anywhere that this resulted in Mongolia’s efforts at the UN being postponed for many years. When Communist China entered the Korean War, the Kuomintang, which fully supported the US-led UN military operation (peacekeeping), not only continuously provoked at the Security Council of the United Nations, but also presented false documents about the MPR - described as “a Chinese territory seized by the Soviet Union” - sending troops to North Korea.The United States, which has recognized the status quo of the Mongolian People’s Republic, has made it clear that it has played an important role in the country’s admission to the United Nations. Thus Mongolia’s attempt finally succeeded and it became the 101st state to join the United Nations. As a consequence, Mongolia’s independence has been approved by a recognize of Western powers and it began to emerge out of its isolation, participate in decision of global issues, and cooperate with the international community. However, not only did this opportunity not be fully exploited, but due to the Cold War, Mongolia became a hotbed of ideological competition between the socialist and capitalist systems at the United Nations, the speakers’ rostrum Nevetheless,Post-Cold War, a whole new era of cooperation between Mongolia and the United Nations began.

Le relazioni fra Italia e Urss nella prima fase della distensione

2009 ◽  
pp. 113-154
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
European Security ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

- The relations between Italy and the Ussr, almost absent after WWII began to grow during the years of détente. Their development offers useful insight on the long-term cleavages which led to the fall of the Soviet Union. The documents, published here for the first time, come from Rgani (State Archive of Contemporary History of the Russian Federation) and offer an outline of the crucial period in the mid-1960s. From them, it is possible to grasp the main elements of the Ussr's foreign policy towards Italy: the central role of an explorative diplomacy; a negative attitude towards the center-left governments; the close relations with the large Italian industrial groups; the lasting centrality of the political link with Pci; and, above all, the firm belief of the Kremlin leadership that the economic and cultural détente would have, in the long run, deep political effects. They were right; what they weren't able to predict is that they would be the losers.Key words: Cold War, Détente, European security, economic diplomacy, Center left governements, Cpsu/Cpi.Parole chiave: guerra fredda, distensione, sicurezza europea, diplomazia economica, governi di centrosinistra, Pcus/Pci.

Początki konspiracji wojskowej i cywilnej na Wileńszczyźnie w latach 1939-1941

2021 ◽  
pp. 213-239
Author(s):  
Aleksander Głogowski
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Resistance Movement

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MILITARY AND CIVIL UNDERGROUND IN THE VILNIUS REGION IN 1939-1941 The first years of the occupation of the Vilnius Region were an unusual period in terms of the history of the Polish Underground State and the Polish armed resistance movement. This area was occupied after September 17, 1939 by the Soviet Union, but part of it was transferred to the Republic of Lithuania, along with which it was re-incorporated into the Soviet Union. The Lithuanian occupation was a considerable challenge both for the Polish authorities in exile and for the inhabitants of the Vilnius Region. Meeting such a challenge required certain diplomatic talents (not to worsen the situation of Poles living in this area) as well as knowledge of the relations in the area, which was a problem for the Polish authorities in France, and especially in Great Britain. The Polish inhabitants of the Vilnius Region considered the legal status of their land to be illegal occupation, while the Lithuanians claimed that thanks to a new agreement with the USSR, the period of occupation of these lands by Poles ended. These opinions, together with the mutual resentments and stereotypes flourishing for nearly 20 years, made the peaceful coexistence of two nations difficult, or even impossible. The government of the Republic of Poland tried to prevent the attempts to start an anti-Lithuanian uprising, not wanting to provoke the other two occupiers into military intervention. To this stage, it sought an intermediate solution between the abandonment of any conspiracy (which carried the threat of forming armed groups beyond the control of the legal Polish authorities) and its development on a scale known, for example, from the German or Soviet occupation. The Vilnius Region was to become the personnel and organisational base for the latter. The dilemma was resolved without Polish participation at the time of the annexation of the Republic of Lithuania by the Soviets. Then the second period of the Soviet occupation began, characterised by much greater brutality than the first one, with mass arrests, executions and deportations. The policy of repression primarily affected the pre-war military staff and their families, who were the natural base for the resistance movement of the intelligentsia. Fortunately, this process ended at the time of the German aggression against the USSR. Those that survived the period of the “second Soviet invasion” could in the new conditions continue their underground activities and prepare for an armed uprising in the circumstances and in the manner indicated by the Home Army Headquarters and the Polish Government in London.

scholarly journals Revolutionary events of 1917 in the party historical policy of modern Russia

2021 ◽  
pp. 148-164
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Leonidovna Timshina
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Natural Course ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Unified Approach ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
Founding Myth

In the Soviet Union, the Great October Socialist Revolution was regarded as the key event in history of the country, performing the role “founding myth”. Despite the fact that three decades have passed since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there is yet no uniform opinion to neither February nor October revolutions. Modern parties have expressed their attitude towards the events of 1917 within the framework of their historical policy. The author analyzes the attitude of the parties towards revolution, and determines the peculiarities of the image of the past they formed. The official occasion of the centenary of the Revolution. The author concludes on the absence of the unified approach of modern parties towards the revolutionary events of 1917. The parties have been divided into three groups: supporters of the October and supporters of the February single out one of the revolutions, placing emphasis on its achievements; “evolutionists” demonstrate a negative attitude towards the events of 1917, believing that the revolutions distorted the natural course of events in Russia. Among major parties, only United Russia could not formulate a clear attitude towards revolution, reducing it to the formula of “consent and reconciliation”. It can be expect that political parties will continue to develop their own historical policy.

scholarly journals The Soviet Press of the Great Patriotic War about the French Squadron “Normandie-Niemen“

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Galina N. Kaninskaya ◽  
Natalya N. Naumova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Air Force ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military

The article is devoted to the participation of French pilots of the Normandy squadron in battles on the Soviet-German front as part of the Red Army in 1943-1945. After the defeat of France at the first stage of World War II (1940), the occupation of its territory by Germany and the organization of the Resistance movement “Fighting France” in London by General Charles de Gaulle, the pilots joined him expressed a burning desire to fight the enemy in the skies over Soviet soil. Their participation in the ranks of the Soviet Air Force was a unique event in the history of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union (1945-1945). The article analyzes the information of the Soviet press during the war years about the French squadron “Normandie-Niemen”, which fought in the Soviet Air Force on the Soviet-German front. It is shown that Soviet readers during the Great Patriotic War could get a very complete and reliable idea of the military exploits of French pilots, find out the names of heroes, get acquainted with the military everyday life of officers, appreciate their patriotism and sincere friendly feelings for the Soviet Union and its people. Along with stories about the air battles of the Normandy, the articles of Soviet correspondents contained information about the history of France, how the pilots reacted to the defeat of their country, how and where they fought in the first stage of the Second World War. The press of the war years gave brief sketches of the everyday life of French fighters on Soviet soil, about the curious events that happened to the pilots of the squadron. On the example of newspaper publications 1943-1945. about the military alliance of our and French pilots, you can get an idea of how the cooperation of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition developed and strengthened.

scholarly journals The USSR Victory in World War II and the Emergence of the Independent Republic of Indonesia

2015 ◽  
pp. 85-96
Author(s):  
L. M. Efimova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Far East ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
World War ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
World War 2 ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military

Victorious ending of the World War 2 on May, 9, 1945, stroke a crushing blow on the military axis Berlin - Rome - Tokyo. The USSR played a decisive role both on European and Asian fronts. Fulfilling its allied duty the Soviet Union entered the war in the Far East on 9 August, 1945 and defeated the Japanese army in Manchuria. This act became a great contribution to liberation of Asian peoples from the Japanese occupation. On the 17 August 1945 the Republic of Indonesia declared its independence. The recognition on the side of international community as well as diplomatic support became\e vital for the survival of the newly emerged Republic.The Soviet victory together with the allied nations in the Second World War, the new status of the USSR as a superpower, its constant anticolonial stance stimulated former colonies to appeal to the Soviet Union for backing and support. One of the first was the Republic of Indonesia, to which the USSR rendered all kind of help and encourages. The present article which is a result of the study of newly available documents from several recently opened Soviet archives shows the Soviet backing of Indonesia in the UN, its diplomatic recognition, in strengthening of Indonesian status as a sovereign state on the international arena as a whole.

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