scholarly journals L'évolution de l'opinion publique belge : 1971-1974

Res Publica ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 347-371
Author(s):  
Nicole Delruelle-Vosswinkel

The article presents some of the results of public opinion polls that were carried out as a part of a panel poll, organized by the «Institut Universitaire de Sondage d'Opinion Publique» and covering 1.500 belgian voters.The article specifically deals with the following items - the meaning of the votes shift between 1971 and 1974 (as far as voting intentions were concerned) ;- the moment at which voting decisions crystallized in the 10-3-74 elections;- the way in which the political climate was perceived, and the predominant cares voters had before the elections;- the impact of certain attitudes on votes shifting: an analysis of these processes (specifically by the latent class approach).

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Eric Lagenbacher

Although it has not been that long since the articles of the previous special issue devoted to the 2017 Bundestag election and its aftermath have been published, the political situation in Germany appears to have stabilized. After almost six months without a new government, German politics has sunk back into a kind of late-Merkel era normality. Public opinion polls continue to show that the CDU/CSU is slightly above its election outcome, the SPD is still down in the 17–18 percent range, the FDP has lost about 2 percent of its support, while the AfD, Greens and Left Party are up 1–2 percent.


1949 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Gideon Seymour ◽  
Archibald Crossley ◽  
Paul F. Lazarsfeld ◽  
George Gallup

Since the political upset last November, opinion has been divided on the question of whether pollsters should continue predicting election results. Here are the views of an editor, two poll-takers, and a communications scientist. By a vote of three to one, their answer to the question is “Yes!”


Author(s):  
Juan Reyes del Campillo Lona

This paper analyzes the stages of the 2006 election in Mexico City and examines the social conflict that polarized the political figures as well as the electorate. It also talks about the selection process of the candidates, particularly those of the ruling party, as well as the campaigns and their impact on the public opinion polls and, finally, it analyzes the final results. The election showed an evident division or tension line among the electorate that entails a strong social and ideological content.


2020 ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Irena Anna Słodkowska

This article examines the attitudes and opinions of major Polish political actors about the impact of German reunification on Polish-German relations between 1989 and 1991. These are outlined against the background of public opinion polls and themes underpinning Polish foreign policy as reflected in the programmes of the main political parties represented in the Polish parliament. There were strong similarities in their programmes and policies. They broadly reflected the approach of Solidarity’s electoral manifesto of 4 June 1989, subsequently adopted by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. In consequence, all political parties represented in the parliament supported the government’s policies towards Germany. The author also considers various forms of Polish-German cooperation outside the realm of intergovernmental relations. Finally, she examines the impact on public opinion of intergovernmental relations between Warsaw and Bonn. It is interesting that the policies of compromise and reconciliation were supported not only by the political class but also by the general public. This factor strongly contributed to the stability of the political and economic transition towards democracy and a market economy in Poland.


1950 ◽  
Vol 19 (10) ◽  
pp. 101-103
Author(s):  
Arthur N. Feraru

Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

Here the authors present the variation that exists in income inequality across the states, and variation in public awareness or concern about income inequality as measured by public opinion polls. Though politicians may decide to tackle income inequality even in the absence of public concern about inequality, the authors argue that government responses are more likely when and where there is a growing awareness of, and concern about, inequality, which is confirmed in the analyses in this book. To examine this question in subsequent chapters, a novel measure of public awareness of rising state inequality is developed. Using these estimates, this chapter shows that the growth in the public concern about inequality responds in part to objective increases in inequality, but also that state political conditions, particularly mass partisanship, shape perceptions of inequality.


Author(s):  
Tamar Hermann

In Israel, as in many other countries, the impact of public opinion on national policymaking has increased dramatically over the last few decades. In fact, public opinion has practically developed into one of the prime political inputs in Israel. This chapter argues that this increased impact, which could have contributed to improving the Israeli democracy, is in fact often undermined by the increasing overlapping of the main cleavages within Israel: between the political Right and Left, between Jews and Arabs, and between religious and secular Israelis. This extreme overlapping has severely eroded the national consensus and accelerated the emergence of deep disagreements in public opinion over strategic issues, such as the nature of the state (Jewish? Democratic?), the main challenges facing the nation (including the best way of dealing with the protracted Israeli–Palestinian conflict), and the desired collective future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022097903
Author(s):  
Alexander P. Landry ◽  
Elliott Ihm ◽  
Jonathan W. Schooler

Metadehumanization, the perception that members of an outgroup dehumanize your group, has been found to exacerbate intergroup conflict by inspiring reciprocal dehumanization of the offending outgroup. Moreover, metadehumanization is distinct from metaprejudice (i.e., the perception that an outgroup hates your group). Given the mutual animosity reported in public opinion polls toward the other side, we believed US–Russia relations would be a worthwhile context in which to extend this model. Therefore, we measured Americans’ levels of metadehumanization and metaprejudice of Russians to determine the association between these perceptions and their hostility toward Russians (Study 1). In this novel intergroup conflict, metadehumanization remained a consequential predictor of outgroup hostility over and above metaprejudice, suggesting that it can exacerbate a broader range of intergroup conflicts than those heretofore examined. Given these findings, we then sought to experimentally differentiate between metadehumanization and metaprejudice. In Study 2, we manipulated both metadehumanization and metaprejudice to (a) determine whether one or both cause greater outgroup hostility and (b) elucidate the underlying mechanisms by which they may produce this effect. Whereas metadehumanization produced greater hostility, metaprejudice did not. Moreover, although both metaperceptions inspired greater prejudice, only metadehumanization led to greater dehumanization. We conclude that metadehumanization may be a particularly potent fomenter of hostility because it inspires reciprocal dehumanization over and above more general negative bias.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Omer Solodoch

Abstract In response to the political turmoil surrounding the recent refugee crisis, destination countries swiftly implemented new immigration and asylum policies. Are such countercrisis policies effective in mitigating political instability by reducing anti-immigrant backlash and support for radical-right parties? The present study exploits two surveys that were coincidentally fielded during significant policy changes, sampling respondents right before and immediately after the change. I employ a regression discontinuity design to identify the short-term causal effect of the policy change on public opinion within a narrow window of the sampling period. The findings show that both Swedish border controls and the EU–Turkey agreement significantly reduced public opposition to immigration in Sweden and Germany, respectively. In Germany, support for the AfD party also decreased following the new policy. Public opinion time trends suggest that the policy effects were short lived in Sweden but durable in Germany. These effects are similar across different levels of proximity to the border and are accompanied by increasing political trust and a sense of government control over the situation. The findings have implications for understanding the impact of border controls on international public opinion, as well as for assessing the electoral effect of policy responses to global refugee crises.


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