Constructing Success and Failure: Age Differences in Perceptions and Explanations of Success and Failure

1993 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas O. Blank ◽  
Maurice J. Levesque

Age differences in attributions for self-reported successes and failures in both important and daily situations were examined. Sixty-one young adults ( M age = 19.2), twenty-one middle-aged adults ( M age = 45), and fifteen older adults ( M age = 71.4) gave attributions and affects for self-chosen situations, which were classified as social or nonsocial. The attributions and affects were coded according to Blank's scheme with attributions dichotomized into internal and external, and stable and unstable [1]. Middle-aged and older adults were more likely than young adults to attribute failure to external causes and to describe more social than nonsocial situations. Consistent age differences in attributional stability were not found nor were there age differences in attributional internality for success outcomes.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S79-S79
Author(s):  
Alison L Chasteen ◽  
Michelle Horhota ◽  
Jessica Crumley-Branyon

Abstract What are the consequences for perpetrators who engage in different types of ageism? We compared young (n=316), middle-aged (n=464), and older adults’ (n=273) perceptions of a perpetrator who engaged in an ageist action. Participants read a vignette about a pedestrian (the perpetrator) offering unwanted help to an older woman crossing the street. We manipulated the ageism type (benevolent or hostile), the reaction of the older target (acceptance, moderate confrontation or strong confrontation) and assessed the overall impression of the perpetrator. Main effects emerged for Ageism Type and Age Group. Overall, participants rated the perpetrator more positively in the benevolent condition compared to the hostile condition. Middle-aged and older adults rated the perpetrator more positively than young adults did. A Time x Confront interaction suggested that the perpetrator’s overall impression was not impacted when the target of the ageist act accepted the action or moderately confronted the perpetrator. In contrast, when the target confronted the perpetrator strongly, the overall impression of the perpetrator decreased. An Ageism Type x Age Group x Time interaction on overall impression also emerged. There were no age differences when the perpetrator committed a hostile act of ageism. In contrast, in the benevolent condition young and older adults perceived the perpetrator more negatively after the target’s reaction, whereas middle-aged adults did not adjust their impression. Taken together, these results suggest that young and older adults may be less accepting of benevolent ageism compared to middle-aged adults.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S80-S81
Author(s):  
Grace Caskie ◽  
Anastasia E Canell ◽  
Hannah M Bashian

Abstract Attitudes towards aging include both positive and negative beliefs about older adults (Iverson et al., 2017; Palmore, 1999). Palmore’s (1998) Facts on Aging Quiz, a widely used assessment of knowledge about aging, also identifies common societal misconceptions about aging. Findings regarding age group differences in attitudes toward aging are mixed (Bodner et al., 2012; Cherry & Palmore, 2008; Rupp et al., 2005). The current study compared knowledge of aging, negative age bias, and positive age bias between young adults (18-35 years, n=268) and middle-aged adults (40-55 years; n=277). Middle-aged adults reported significantly greater average knowledge of aging than young adults (p=.019), although both groups had relatively low knowledge (MA: M=13.0, YA: M=12.2). Middle-aged adults also showed significantly less negative age bias (p<.001) and significantly more positive age bias than young adults (p=.026). Although the total sample was significantly more likely to be incorrect than correct on 23 of the 25 facts (p<.001), young adults were significantly more likely than middle-aged adults (p<.001) to respond incorrectly for only 2 of 25 facts. Both facts reflected greater negative age bias among young adults than middle-aged adults. These facts concerned older adults’ ability to work as effectively as young adults (fact 9) and frequency of depression in older adults (fact 13). Results demonstrate that age bias is not limited to young adults and may continue through midlife, though negative age bias in particular may be lower for individuals approaching older adulthood, which could have implications for their psychological and physical well-being.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 888-888
Author(s):  
Patrick Klaiber ◽  
Lydia Ong ◽  
Anita DeLongis ◽  
Nancy Sin

Abstract Multiple studies suggest that community-dwelling older adults are psychologically resilient in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. Notably, during the initial weeks of the COVID-19 outbreak, older age was associated with engaging in more daily positive events (Klaiber et al., 2021, Journal of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences). We followed up on these findings by exploring age differences in positive event appraisals during the COVID-19 pandemic. During the 7-day diary study conducted between March and August 2020, 1036 participants (mean age = 45.95, SD = 16.04, range = 18-91) reported their positive events in nightly surveys. If at least one positive event occurred, participants rated their appraisals of the event on the following dimensions: importance, calmness, happiness, gratitude, personal responsibility, and control. Older adults (60 years+) rated their positive events to be more personally important and felt more calm and happy during these events, compared to younger (18-39 years) and middle-aged adults (40-59 years). Furthermore, older adults felt more grateful during positive events compared to younger but not middle-aged adults. There were no age differences in feelings of control or personal responsibility for positive events. These findings highlight the importance of daily positive events for older adults during a time of major stress. In line with theories on adult development, daily positive event processes in older adults are characterized by valuing positive and meaningful social connections, as well as a greater degree of positive event-specific emotions such as feeling calm, happy, and grateful.


2002 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 746-746 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Chapell ◽  
Michael Batten ◽  
Jael Brown ◽  
Elisa Gonzalez ◽  
Gabrielle Herquet ◽  
...  

This study investigated the frequency of public laughter in a total of 10,419 children, adolescents, young adults, middle-aged adults, and older adults. Females laughed significantly more than males, and younger people generally laughed more than older people.


1997 ◽  
Vol 85 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1326-1326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark S. Chapell

This study of the frequency of public smiling in a sample of 15,824 children, adolescents, young adults, middle-aged adults, and older adults yielded a significant decrease in public smiling across age groups. Females smiled significantly more than males.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 884-884
Author(s):  
Arya Jones ◽  
Stephanie Wilson ◽  
M Rosie Shrout ◽  
Janice Kiecolt-Glaser

Abstract According to socioemotional aging theories, people better regulate their emotions in older age by reframing stressors and focusing on the positive aspects of difficult experiences. However, empirical results have been mixed. To address this gap, we examined age differences in the language use and cardiovascular reactivity of 188 adults (mean age=56, range=40-86) who relived an upsetting memory from their past. Consistent with theory, results revealed that older adults used significantly fewer negative emotion words and, among the negative emotions, marginally fewer words of anger, to describe their upsetting memory. Notably, however, there were no age differences in the expression of positive emotion or sadness. Controlling for education and cognitive function, greater expression of anger was associated with heightened systolic blood pressure (SBP) reactivity among older adults, not middle-aged individuals. Despite their expression of less negative emotion, older adults’ heart rate variability (HRV) dipped lower during disclosure than did middle-aged adults’. However, among those who used more positive emotion, sadness, and/or cognitive processing words, older adults no longer showed lower HRV than middle-aged participants. Overall, these results provide some evidence of positivity bias among older adults even when asked to recount a distressing personal memory, although this trend was not consistent for the expression of sadness or positive emotion. Further, cardiovascular responses appear more clearly tied to older adults’ level of engagement and emotional focus compared to their middle-aged counterparts’.


2010 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sherry A. Beaudreau ◽  
Tiffany Rideaux ◽  
Robert A. Zeiss

ABSTRACTBackground: Male sexual dysfunction is a significant international public health issue affecting both middle-aged and older adults. To date, however, no studies have compared age differences in psychiatric issues, frequency of sexual activity and treatment recommendations between older and middle-aged male military Veterans seeking treatment for erectile dysfunction (ED) in the U.S.A.Methods: Data were collected between 1982 and 2003 at the Palo Alto Veterans Affairs Andrology Clinic. The 1,250 participants, aged 22 to 87 years (median = 63), completed a semi-structured interview. Using multiple linear regressions, we examined age differences in five domains: medical and endocrine risk factors; psychiatric and psychosocial risk factors; frequency of sexual behaviors; self-reported and objectively measured erectile function; and treatment recommendations.Results: Compared with middle-aged adults, older adults were more likely to present for ED treatment with medical risk factors and were more often recommended a vacuum pump treatment. Middle-aged male Veterans were more likely to experience psychiatric risk factors for ED and were more sexually active than older Veterans. Despite greater objective erectile ability in middle-aged adults, there were no age differences in maximum self-reported erectile functioning.Conclusions: These results provide some evidence of age-related characteristics and treatment needs of male patients seeking treatment for sexual dysfunction. We encourage health care professionals working with adults across the lifespan to consider ways to individualize psychoeducation and brief psychotherapy for the treatment of ED to the specific needs of the patient, which may vary between middle-aged and older cohorts of patients.


2005 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 273-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Bangerter

Perceptions of the entitativity of age groups, cohorts, and generations were studied in a sample of young adults. Participants rated one of three age groups (young adults, middle-aged adults, older adults), described either as generations (e.g., Baby Boom generation), by age (e.g., people 50 years old), or as cohorts (e.g., people born between 1945 and 1950). Ratings were made on entitativity and related properties (importance of membership to members, shared experience, common goals, common values, similarity among members). Results show that age groups and generations are meaningful social categories for laypersons, whereas cohorts are not.


2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antje S. Mefferd ◽  
Erin E. Corder

Purpose To improve our understanding about the underlying factors of aging-related speaking rate decline, the authors sought to determine if lip and jaw speeds are physiologically constrained in older adults. Method Thirty-six females—10 young adults (ages 22–27 years), 9 middle-aged adults (ages 45–55 years), 10 young-old adults (65–74 years), and 7 very old adults (ages 87–95 years)—completed metronome-paced syllable repetitions while moving the lower lip or jaw to a fixed target with each repetition. Metronome paces incrementally increased from 1.4 Hz to 6.7 Hz. Lip and jaw movements were tracked using a 3-dimensional motion capture system. Results Older adults' maximum percent increase in lip and jaw peak speed was comparable to or tended to be even greater than that of middle-aged and young adults. By contrast, lip and jaw stiffness, indexed by peak speed–displacement ratios, tended to decrease with age during fast and very fast repetition rates and were associated with mildly prolonged movement durations. Conclusions The findings suggest that lip and jaw speeds are not constrained in older adults. The trend of reduced stiffness during fast rates, however, suggests that fine-force regulation becomes difficult for older adults. Thus, older adults may implement reduced habitual speaking rates as a behavioral strategy to compensate for diminished articulatory control.


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