Frequency of Public Laughter in Relation to Sex, Age, Ethnicity, and Social Context

2002 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 746-746 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Chapell ◽  
Michael Batten ◽  
Jael Brown ◽  
Elisa Gonzalez ◽  
Gabrielle Herquet ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Older People ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Middle Aged Adults

This study investigated the frequency of public laughter in a total of 10,419 children, adolescents, young adults, middle-aged adults, and older adults. Females laughed significantly more than males, and younger people generally laughed more than older people.

Overlooked and Underestimated: Experiences of Ageism in Young, Middle-Aged, and Older Adults

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison L Chasteen ◽  
Michelle Horhota ◽  
Jessica J Crumley-Branyon
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Older People ◽  
Life Span ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Age Bias ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Self Reports ◽  
Middle Aged Adults

Abstract Objectives Although the prevalence of ageism against older people has been well-established, less is known about the characteristics of those experiences or the experiences of young and middle-aged adults. The present study addressed these gaps by examining young, middle-aged, and older adults’ self-reports of an ageist action they experienced. Methods Participants’ descriptions were coded for the domain in which the ageist experience occurred, the perpetrator of the ageist experience, and the type of ageist experience. Results Young adults most commonly reported experiencing ageism in the workplace with coworkers as perpetrators. Middle-aged and older adults also reported ageism in the workplace; however, they also frequently reported experiencing ageism while seeking goods and services. Perpetrators of ageism varied more widely for middle-aged and older adults. Regardless of one’s age, ageism was commonly experienced in the form of a lack of respect or incorrect assumptions. Discussion The findings enhance our understanding of ageism across adulthood by considering the domains, perpetrators, and types of ageist expressions that adults of all ages encounter. They also suggest that interventions to reduce age bias will require multifaceted approaches that take into account the different forms that individuals experience across the life span.

scholarly journals KNOWLEDGE OF AGING, NEGATIVE AGE BIAS, AND POSITIVE AGE BIAS: AGE GROUP DIFFERENCES

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S80-S81
Author(s):  
Grace Caskie ◽  
Anastasia E Canell ◽  
Hannah M Bashian
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Total Sample ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
Age Group ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Age Bias ◽  
Negative Beliefs ◽  
Middle Aged Adults

Abstract Attitudes towards aging include both positive and negative beliefs about older adults (Iverson et al., 2017; Palmore, 1999). Palmore’s (1998) Facts on Aging Quiz, a widely used assessment of knowledge about aging, also identifies common societal misconceptions about aging. Findings regarding age group differences in attitudes toward aging are mixed (Bodner et al., 2012; Cherry & Palmore, 2008; Rupp et al., 2005). The current study compared knowledge of aging, negative age bias, and positive age bias between young adults (18-35 years, n=268) and middle-aged adults (40-55 years; n=277). Middle-aged adults reported significantly greater average knowledge of aging than young adults (p=.019), although both groups had relatively low knowledge (MA: M=13.0, YA: M=12.2). Middle-aged adults also showed significantly less negative age bias (p<.001) and significantly more positive age bias than young adults (p=.026). Although the total sample was significantly more likely to be incorrect than correct on 23 of the 25 facts (p<.001), young adults were significantly more likely than middle-aged adults (p<.001) to respond incorrectly for only 2 of 25 facts. Both facts reflected greater negative age bias among young adults than middle-aged adults. These facts concerned older adults’ ability to work as effectively as young adults (fact 9) and frequency of depression in older adults (fact 13). Results demonstrate that age bias is not limited to young adults and may continue through midlife, though negative age bias in particular may be lower for individuals approaching older adulthood, which could have implications for their psychological and physical well-being.

Frequency of Public Smiling across the Life Span

1997 ◽  
Vol 85 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1326-1326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark S. Chapell
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Life Span ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Middle Aged Adults

This study of the frequency of public smiling in a sample of 15,824 children, adolescents, young adults, middle-aged adults, and older adults yielded a significant decrease in public smiling across age groups. Females smiled significantly more than males.

Entitativity of Generations, Age Groups and Cohorts as Perceived by Young Adults

2005 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 273-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Bangerter
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Baby Boom ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
Shared Experience ◽  
Baby Boom Generation ◽  
Common Goals ◽  
Middle Aged Adults

Perceptions of the entitativity of age groups, cohorts, and generations were studied in a sample of young adults. Participants rated one of three age groups (young adults, middle-aged adults, older adults), described either as generations (e.g., Baby Boom generation), by age (e.g., people 50 years old), or as cohorts (e.g., people born between 1945 and 1950). Ratings were made on entitativity and related properties (importance of membership to members, shared experience, common goals, common values, similarity among members). Results show that age groups and generations are meaningful social categories for laypersons, whereas cohorts are not.

Assessing Articulatory Speed Performance as a Potential Factor of Slowed Speech in Older Adults

2014 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antje S. Mefferd ◽  
Erin E. Corder
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Speaking Rate ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Lower Lip ◽  
Old Adults ◽  
3 Dimensional ◽  
Speed Performance ◽  
Middle Aged Adults ◽  
Peak Speed

Purpose To improve our understanding about the underlying factors of aging-related speaking rate decline, the authors sought to determine if lip and jaw speeds are physiologically constrained in older adults. Method Thirty-six females—10 young adults (ages 22–27 years), 9 middle-aged adults (ages 45–55 years), 10 young-old adults (65–74 years), and 7 very old adults (ages 87–95 years)—completed metronome-paced syllable repetitions while moving the lower lip or jaw to a fixed target with each repetition. Metronome paces incrementally increased from 1.4 Hz to 6.7 Hz. Lip and jaw movements were tracked using a 3-dimensional motion capture system. Results Older adults' maximum percent increase in lip and jaw peak speed was comparable to or tended to be even greater than that of middle-aged and young adults. By contrast, lip and jaw stiffness, indexed by peak speed–displacement ratios, tended to decrease with age during fast and very fast repetition rates and were associated with mildly prolonged movement durations. Conclusions The findings suggest that lip and jaw speeds are not constrained in older adults. The trend of reduced stiffness during fast rates, however, suggests that fine-force regulation becomes difficult for older adults. Thus, older adults may implement reduced habitual speaking rates as a behavioral strategy to compensate for diminished articulatory control.

scholarly journals Discriminative Mobility Characteristics between Neurotypical Young, Middle-Aged, and Older Adults Using Wireless Inertial Sensors

Sensors ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (19) ◽  
pp. 6644
Author(s):  
Clayton W. Swanson ◽  
Brett W. Fling
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Inertial Sensors ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Balance Test ◽  
Mobility Test ◽  
Sit To Stand ◽  
Age Related ◽  
Middle Aged Adults

Age-related mobility research often highlights significant mobility differences comparing neurotypical young and older adults, while neglecting to report mobility outcomes for middle-aged adults. Moreover, these analyses regularly do not determine which measures of mobility can discriminate groups into their age brackets. Thus, the current study aimed to provide a comprehensive analysis for commonly performed aspects of mobility (walking, turning, sit-to-stand, and balance) to determine which variables were significantly different and furthermore, able to discriminate between neurotypical young adults (YAs), middle-aged adults (MAAs), and older adults (OAs). This study recruited 20 YAs, 20 MAAs, and 20 OAs. Participants came into the laboratory and completed mobility testing while wearing wireless inertial sensors. Mobility tests assessed included three distinct two-minute walks, 360° turns, five times sit-to-stands, and a clinical balance test, capturing 99 distinct mobility metrics. Of the various mobility tests assessed, only 360° turning measures demonstrated significance between YAs and MAAs, although the capacity to discriminate between groups was achieved for gait and turning measures. A variety of mobility measures demonstrated significance between MAAs and OAs, and furthermore discrimination was achieved for each mobility test. These results indicate greater mobility differences between MAAs and OAs, although discrimination is achievable for both group comparisons.

scholarly journals The Relationship Between Ageist Attitudes and Body Image in Women

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Sangeeta Bhatia ◽  
Ananya Singh
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Body Image ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Stereotype Content ◽  
Body Image Concerns ◽  
The Status ◽  
Middle Aged Adults ◽  
The Relationship

This study aims to understand the relationship between ageist attitudes and body image concerns across women in three different age groups namely; young adults (17 to 21 years), middle aged adults (40 to 49 years) and older adults (60 to 82 years). Two scales, measuring body image and ageism, were administered on a sample of 48 women (N=48) with 16 women in each aforemen-tioned category. The results indicated that women in the older category experienced the highest body image concerns, followed by middle aged and young adults respectively. Attitudes to-wards ageism were assessed based on various dimensions. Ageist attitudes were moderate on most dimensions except for direct prejudice to age in young adults; ‘Social distance’ in middle aged adults  and ‘Stereotype content associated with age categories’ in middle aged adults as well as older adults.  The study has implications for understanding the status of depression, low self-esteem and other co-morbid variables as related to ageism. No significant relationship was found between ageist attitudes and body image.

Age Relevance and Context Effects on Attributions across the Adult Lifespan

1999 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 665-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fredda Blanchard-Fields ◽  
Renee Baldi ◽  
Renee Stein
Keyword(s):  
Older Adults ◽  
Young Adults ◽  
Context Effects ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Situational Factors ◽  
Middle Aged ◽  
Family Work ◽  
Adult Lifespan ◽  
Middle Aged Adults ◽  
Negative Outcome

Attributions for events with information varying on age relevance (teen, young, middle-aged, and older main characters) and context (family, work) were examined in young, middle-aged, and older adults. Participants rated the degree to which the causes of a negative outcome were a function of three dispositional dimensions of the primary character, two dimensions of situational factors, and a combination of these. They also wrote essays justifying their ratings. Overall and in support of previous research, older adults were more likely than younger adults to attribute the cause of the negative outcome to the primary character (Blanchard-Fields, 1994). This bias was not attenuated by the age-relevance factor. Instead, in the work context, older and middle-aged adults placed greater blame on main characters relevant to their age group for negative outcomes than did young adults. However, older adults were also more likely than middle-aged or young adults to attribute the cause of a negative outcome to situational factors. Age relevance and context influenced attributional ratings for all participants in that: (a) older characters were rated higher on external attributions and younger characters were rated higher on internal attributions; and (b) higher internal attributions were made for work situations than for family situations. Finally, young and middle-aged adults were more dialectical in justifying their causal attributions than older adults. Findings are discussed in terms of the degree to which a dispositional bias in older adults is influenced by the developmental relevance of one’s everyday context.

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