Virginia's Workhouses for the Poor: Care for “Divers Idle and Disorderly Persons”

1988 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 287-303
Author(s):  
Martha W. McCartney

Commencing in 1661, the responsibility for providing welfare assistance to the poor was assigned to the colony's parish churches, whose members rendered care, for which they were paid. During the mid-18th century, as the ranks of the poor swelled and the cost of providing for them became increasingly burdensome, parish churches embarked upon a major social experiment: they began operating workhouses, where the indigent could be sheltered and, in theory, also earn their keep. Archaeological research at Bruton Parish poorhouse provided a glimpse into the material culture of one such workhouse.

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4 (1)) ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Daniel Wojtucki

There are references reaching back to the Middle Ages, regarding the fear of the “undead” or “living dead” who would rise from their graves in a local cemetery to haunt and harm the community. The fear of the “undead” was extremely strong, and the entailing hysteria often affected entire communities. In the 16th to the 18th century, in Silesia, effective forms of coping with the harmful deceased were developed. Analysing the preserved source material, we are able to determine that the basic actions involved finding the grave of the “undead” in the cemetery, exhuming the corpse and destroying it. However, this did not always mean the total annihilation of the poor man’s corpse. The trial and execution of the corpse of a person suspected of the harmful activity against the living took place observing almost the same rules as in the case of the living. Apart from the authorities, who usually commissioned local jurors to handle the situation, opinions and advice were also sought from the clergy as well as gravediggers and executioners. The last were considered to be experts of sorts and were often called upon to see corpses of the suspected dead. In the analysed cases of posthumous magic (magia posthuma) in Silesia, we deal with two directions of handling the corpse accused of a harmful posthumous activity. In both cases, the main decision was made to remove such corpses from the cemetery’s area. Costs of the trial and execution of the “undead” were considerable. They included expenses incurred due to rather frequent court hearings at which sometimes dozens of witnesses were heard, payments to expert witnesses, payments to guards watching graves, costs of legal instructions, services of gravediggers who would dig up suspicious graves, and, finally, the remuneration of executioners and their people. In the second half of the 18th century, despite relevant decrees issued by supreme authorities, trials and executions of the dead were not completely abandoned.


Gerundium ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Attila Paládi-Kovács

At the University of Budapest at the end of the 18th century it was Dániel Cornides (1732–1787) who dealt with issues of Hungarian ancient religion, while András Dugonics (1740–1818) paid attention to various aspects of Hungarian folk poetry (tales, idiomatic phrases, proverbs) and folk customs in his lectures.  Descriptive statistics, reports of the state of affairs in various regions and ethnic groups within the country documented the ethnographic character of these areas and groups in the first half of the 19th century.  In the second half of the century professors of Hungarian literature and language investigated and discussed these topics with a comparative European perspective at universities. Ethnographic and folklore-related knowledge was disseminated by excellent professors of classical philology and oriental studies. Professors of geography (János Hunfalvy, Lajos Lóczy) played a crucial role in providing information about faraway peoples and continents at the University of Budapest. The first associate professor (Privatdozent) in ethnography was Antal Herrmann at the University of Kolozsvár (Cluj-Napoca, now Romania) in 1898. He delivered his lectures until 1918 in Kolozsvár, and between 1921 and 1926 in Szeged where the University of Cluj was relocated to. The first university department for ethnographic and folklore studies was established at the University of Szeged, where Sándor Solymossy, a scholar of comparative folkloristics, became professor.  At the University of Budapest the first department for ethnography and folklore studies was founded for professor István Györffy, who primarily studied material culture and the people of the Great Hungarian Plain.  His successors were Károly Viski (1942), then folklorist Gyula Ortutay (1946). In 1951 at the University of Budapest another department came into being for István Tálasi who was a scholar of  material culture studies and historical ethnography. The head of the ethnography and folklore department of the Hungarian University of Kolozsvár (Klausenburg, Cluj) was Károly Viski in 1940–1941, and Béla Gunda between 1943 and 1948.  At the University of Debrecen established in 1912  a number of associate professors held ethnographic and folklore lectures between 1925 and 1949 (István Ecsedi, Károly Bartha N., Tibor Mendöl, Gábor Lükő), but an autonomous department was established only in 1949, led by Béla Gunda until 1979. At the University of Szeged Sándor Bálint was appointed professor of ethnography and folklore studies in 1949, but only after 1990 became it possible to provide M. A. degrees in ethnography and folkloristics. M.A. degrees in ethnography and folkloristics have been provided at the University of Budapest since 1950, while at the University of Debrecen since 1959.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 105-136
Author(s):  
Dawid Kobiałka

This article discusses the results of archaeological and anthropological research concerning material remains of a prisoner of war camp in Czersk (Pomeranian province, Poland) (Kriegsgefangenenlager Czersk). In the first part, I sketch a broader historical context related to building and functioning of the camp in forests around Czersk between 1914–1919. After that, the role and meaning of  archaeological research on such type of archaeological sites are presented. In the third part, I focus on a very special category of the camp heritage which is called trench art. The last part of this paper is a case study where an assemblage of objects classified as trench art that was found at the camp is described and interpreted. This text aims at highlighting the value of such prisoners and camp’s heritage. Such material culture is a material memory of extraordinary prisoners’ creativity behind barbed wire. It makes one aware of how every piece of trash, rubbish was re-cycled during day-to-day life behind barbed wire.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Denik Puspita
Keyword(s):  
The Poor ◽  

<table width="605" border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0"><tbody><tr><td valign="top" width="406"><p><em>This study aims to analyze and determine the problems of applying the principle of affordability in land registration in Indonesia. The results showed that the principle of issuing certificates to take care of land registration must be adjusted to simple and affordable principles, where these principles mandate the process of issuing land certificates to run quickly, while the cost of issuing land certificates is not too expensive for the poor.</em><em></em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong></p><p><em>Principle of Affordability; Land: Certificate</em></p></td></tr></tbody></table>


2001 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
M.P. Richards ◽  
R.E.M. Hedges ◽  
I. Walton ◽  
S. Stoddart ◽  
C. Malone

From Neolithic Malta, there is evidence of increasing population size accompanied by increasingly elaborate material culture, including the famous megalithic architecture. Stoddart et al. (1993) argued that social tensions and controls increased as food resources diminished. One important requirement of this argument is that the Neolithic inhabitants of Malta depended entirely on domesticated plants and animals for subsistence and therefore, with increased population sizes, the poor agricultural potential of these islands was stretched. However, it is possible that the consumption of wild foods, particularly marine resources, in the Neolithic would make up any shortfall in the agricultural foods. A direct way of measuring the amounts of marine protein in human diets is through chemical analysis of human bone. Stable isotope analyses undertaken on seven Accelerator Mass Spectrometer (AMS) radiocarbon dated humans from the Neolithic at the Brochtorff Circle indicated that there is no evidence for the significant use of marine foods by these Neolithic individuals. These new data indicate that agricultural foods were the dietary staple for this sample of the Maltese Neolithic population and therefore support the argument that increasing population during the Neolithic could have resulted in increasing resource stress.


1988 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
H S Goyea

Sixty-four cases of discharge against medical advice (DAMA) from 3 paediatric units in the University of Benin Teaching Hospital within a period of 18 months were analysed. The incidence was highest among the very young, even when they were still very ill. Financial problems accounted for 65.6% of the cases. Other reasons included difficulties related to the siblings (9.4%), the wish to try traditional methods (7.8%), family opposition (1.6%) and distance from the hospital (4.1%). It is recommended that greater attention be given to preventive health care, and placing the cost of hospital care within the reach of the poor. Improved communication is also recommended as a way of helping parents seek alternatives to DAMA.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Van Horn

Material culture refers to human-manufactured, human-altered, or human-used physical things of all sizes and materials, from houses to domestic artifacts to tools to landscapes. Material culture also refers to the study of artifacts and scholars’ use of objects as a form of evidence to ask and answer questions about the 18th century. Material culture studies is not limited to physical examination of artifacts. It also involves consideration of an array of documentary, literary, and visual sources that provide information about material life. In 18th-century colonial America, the meanings and uses of material goods changed radically. Anglo-American colonists obtained greater numbers and novel types of objects through transatlantic and global trade networks. The British manufactures that flooded the colonies fulfilled colonists’ desire to assert social status and to participate in social rituals that demonstrated refinement. Scholars have labeled these changes the “Consumer Revolution” and the system of “gentility.” Artifacts also built communities and buttressed political beliefs, particularly through non-importation or boycotts of British goods during the imperial crisis. Ideas of gender shaped how women’s growing activity of shopping was understood and critiqued, as well as the association of fashion with women. The importation of Asian and Indian goods, primarily textiles and porcelain, fulfilled fantasies of the exotic while enabling American consumers to demonstrate their worldliness and status. Material goods facilitated cultural exchange and trade between those of different races and ethnicities. At the same time, oppression and political and economic disenfranchisement shaped American material culture. Indigenous peoples expressed consumer preferences for manufactured goods during negotiations within the fur trade. They incorporated British manufactures into preexisting material practices. Enslaved African Americans entered the market as both commodities and consumers. Through their purchases and creative use of refined artifacts, bond people expressed individual identity despite their legal status as property.


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