scholarly journals THE CHALLENGES OF RIGHT TO MEMORY AND TRUTH

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (57) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Sandra Regina MARTINI ◽  
Dailor Dos SANTOS

ABSTRACT Objectives: The present study deals with the discussion of the construction of political memory, questioning if the Law has sufficiency to fully develop the Right to Memory. The question is how the ethics of memory should be defined and analyzed, as well as whether the Law is open to the plurality of speeches about the past so that the right to memory and truth can be guaranteed. Methodology: The study is based on bibliographic research and adopts in its approach the hypothetical-deductive method, through the interpretation of scientific articles and studies, also seeking a historical perspective. Results: One of the conclusions of the study refers to the construction of political memory, which requires a conciliatory meaning to be given to the Right to Memory and Truth, based on a new ethical appropriation. Brazilian transitional policies are insufficient, which indicates the reason for its inconclusive democratic statement. An ethics of memory must contemplate all reports emerging from the past; that the Law must admit the perspectives that transitional practices are based on their intrinsic composition, endorsing historical facts that cannot be refuted in the future. The political memory is a perspective of social identity and belonging, based on an ethical refusal to deny history. Contributions: The article addresses a topic less discussed in Brazil and, from various perspectives, questions whether the law can keep its current codes and remain closed to diversity and plurality, showing that the right to memory and truth will only be limited to the moments allowed by Transitional Justice, where memory is considered as an opportunity to summarize the past. , which will tolerate the repetition of dichotomist appropriations. KEYWORDS: Right to memory and truth; fraternal law; transitional justice; political memory; ethics. RESUMO Objetivos: O presente estudo trata da discussão da construção da memória política, questionandoe se o Direito tem suficiência para desenvolver plenamente o Direito à Memória. Indaga-se como deve ser definida e analisada a ética da memória, bem como se o Direito está aberto à pluralidade de discursos sobre o passado para que o Direito à Memória e à Verdade possa ser garantido. Metodologia: O estudo alicerça-se em pesquisas bibliográficas e adota em sua abordagem o método hipotético-dedutivo, por intermédio de interpretação de artigos científicos e estudos, buscando também uma perspectiva histórica. Resultados: Uma das conclusões do estudo refere-se à construção da memória política, que exige um sentido conciliatório a ser conferido ao Direito à Memória e à Verdade, baseado em uma nova apropriação ética. As políticas transicionais brasileiras são insuficientes, o que indica a razão de sua afirmação democrática inconclusa. Uma ética da memória deve contemplar todos os relatos que emergem do passado; que o Direito deve admitir as perspectivas que as práticas transicionais assentam em sua intrínseca composição, endossando fatos históricos que não podem, no futuro, ser refutados. A memória política é uma perspectiva de identidade e pertencimento sociais, a partir de uma recusa ética à negação da história. Contribuições: O artigo aborda um tema pouco discutido no Brasil e, em diversas perspectivas, questiona se o Direito pode manter seus atuais códigos e permanecer fechado à diversidade e pluralidade, mostrando como consequência que o direito à memória e à verdade estarão somente limitados aos instantes permitidos pela Justiça Transicional, onde a memória é considerada como uma oportunidade para resumir o passado, que tolerará a repetição de apropriações dicotomistas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Direito à memória e à verdade; Direito fraterno; justiça de transição; memória política; ética.

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 496-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiří Večerník

The article describes the development of Czech policy after 1989 and the controversies it caused. It first looks at the ambiguous nature of the communist welfare state and then proceeds to outline the theoretical alternatives. After early and energetic changes in the system, stagnation set in around the mid-1990s. Despite some problems, the current performance of the system is satisfactory, but its outlook in terms of long-term efficiency is unsatisfactory, as it will generate a rising debt into the future. In particular, the disadvantaged situation for families, the insufficient work motivation, and the frozen pension system are all causes for concern. The political shift to the right after 2006 ushered in reform measures and new reform plans. While reforms are necessary, their feasibility is uncertain owing to the fragility of the Czech political scene.


Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación

This chapter explains the persistence of Spain’s ‘politics of forgetting’, a phenomenon revealed by the wilful intent to disremember the political memory of the violence of the Spanish Civil War and the human rights abuses of General Franco’s authoritarian regime. Looking beyond the traumas of the Civil War, the limits on transitional justice and truth-telling on the Franco regime imposed by a transition to democracy anchored on intra-elite pacts, and the conciliatory and forward-looking political culture that consolidated in the new democracy, this analysis emphasizes a decidedly less obvious explanation: the political uses of forgetting. Special attention is paid to how the absence of a reckoning with the past, protected politicians from both the right and the left from embarrassing and inconvenient political histories; facilitated the reinvention of the major political parties as democratic institutions; and lessened societal fears about repeating past historical mistakes. The conclusion of the chapter explains how the success of the current democratic regime, shifting public opinion about the past occasioned by greater awareness about the dark policies and legacies of the Franco regime, and generational change among Spain’s political class have in recent years diminished the political uses of forgetting. This, in turn, has allowed for a more honest treatment of the past in Spain’s public policies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Campbell Jones

This paper arises from a request to report to the Future of Work Commission on the question of the value of work in the past, present, and future politics of the Left. This task is complicated, however, by the complexity of the meaning of the terms Left and Right. It is only when we are clear about the meanings of Left and Right that we can be clear about the very different kinds of politics that will result from taking a Left position on work. This paper seeks to clarify what a Left politics of work might look like today. This requires in the first place an analysis of the respective value of work to the political Left and Right, to which end I argue that what distinguishes the Left and the Right regarding the value of work is not simply the quantity of value or dignity that is attributed to work. Rather, Left and Right depart in a fundamental ontological confrontation regarding the nature of what work is and the existence of the bodies from which work issues. This analysis therefore raises deeper questions regarding the very distinction between the Left and the Right.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-93
Author(s):  
José-Miguel Bello y Villarino

Ramona Vijeyarasa recently published in this journal an article advocating for the law in general, and legislation in particular, to be gender responsive. She argued that to redress gender inequality, the law must address the different needs and position of women. Here I propose a bigger scope for the intervention needed to redress legally-originated gender inequality. I contend that a system of transitional justice for women is necessary. This intervention, based on the equity principle of fairness and a need to repair a damage caused by the law, is proposed as a temporary measure until adequate redress is provided.


Author(s):  
Guy Beiner

An understanding of the historical dynamics of social forgetting can be learned from the detailed case study of the vernacular historiography of the 1798 Rebellion in Ulster. It has far-reaching implications for a more meaningful appreciation of the relationship between history and memory. The political impasse in post-conflict Northern Ireland, which has stumbled over disagreements on ‘dealing with the past’ in the context of finding acceptable arrangements for transitional justice, could benefit from showing more sensitivity, not only to the role of oral history storytelling, but also to ingrained traditions of ‘vernacular silence’ that perpetuate social forgetting. A brief inspection of some prominent twentieth-century examples demonstrates the wider relevance of studying social forgetting. In today’s digital age, explorations of social forgetting suggest new possibilities for reconciling conflicts between an inner duty to remember and the right to be outwardly forgotten.


Belleten ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 76 (276) ◽  
pp. 385-402
Author(s):  
Murat Kılıç

The origins of the imperial cult in Smyrna date back to the Hellenistic period. It is a fact that political concerns were effective in the generation of such cults. Predicting the super power of the future and proving to be a loyal ally whilst acting in satisfactory behaviors were essential factors. The right preference made between two fighting or contending powers ensured that a city would benefit from various privileges in the future. For example, Symrna, which had established a cult in the city previously on behalf of Stratonice, the mother of Antiochus II of Seleucid dynasty, would do the same by building a temple in the name of the dty of Rome for the first time in Asia in 195 BC, after recognizing the rising power. Later on, while giving permission to the provinces that wanted to establish an imperial cult, the Roman emperors and the Senate would consider first, their relationships with Rome in the past and second, their origins. Smyrna, building its relationships with the Roman state on a solid basis, was granted the title of neokoros three times by the Roman Emperors Tiberius, Hadrianus and Caracalla, respectively. In this essay, the development of the Roman imperial cult in Smyrna is discussed within the historical process outlined above. An attempt has been made to put forth new opinions about the issue by discussing the academicians' evaluations on the imperial cult, which apparently was effectively executed in Smyrna between the first and third centuries AD, with the support of epigraphic and numismatic evidences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-52
Author(s):  
Miroslav Tuđman

The author gives an overview of the history of National Security and the Future (NSF). The first editorial board accepted a clear vision and mission of the NSF. That is why the NSF had to react to the political circumstances in which the journal has operated for 20 years. In the first period, international circumstances and the policy of detuđmanization directly influenced the choice of topics and papers published in the journal. For the past five years, the NSF has paid particular attention to the security of national and European critical infrastructure. A total of 257 texts were published on more than 8,000 pages and authored by 134 authors from 25 countries. The NSF has published studies on historical forgery, information operations, production of "fake news" and contributions to the theory and methodology of intelligence activities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Grzegorz W. Kolodko ◽  

The huge leap made by the Chinese economy over the past four decades as a result of market reforms and openness to the world is causing fear in some and anxiety in others. Questions arise as to whether China’s economic success is solid and whether economic growth will be followed by political expansion. China makes extensive use of globalization and is therefore interested in continuing it. At the same time, China wants to give it new features and specific Chinese characteristics. This is met with reluctance by the current global hegemon, the United States, all the more so as there are fears that China may promote its original political and economic system, "cynicism", abroad. However, the world is still big enough to accommodate us all. Potentially, not necessarily. For this to happen, we need the right policies, which in the future must also include better coordination at the supranational level.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


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