scholarly journals The Value of Work and the Future of the Left

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Campbell Jones

This paper arises from a request to report to the Future of Work Commission on the question of the value of work in the past, present, and future politics of the Left. This task is complicated, however, by the complexity of the meaning of the terms Left and Right. It is only when we are clear about the meanings of Left and Right that we can be clear about the very different kinds of politics that will result from taking a Left position on work. This paper seeks to clarify what a Left politics of work might look like today. This requires in the first place an analysis of the respective value of work to the political Left and Right, to which end I argue that what distinguishes the Left and the Right regarding the value of work is not simply the quantity of value or dignity that is attributed to work. Rather, Left and Right depart in a fundamental ontological confrontation regarding the nature of what work is and the existence of the bodies from which work issues. This analysis therefore raises deeper questions regarding the very distinction between the Left and the Right.  

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 496-517 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiří Večerník

The article describes the development of Czech policy after 1989 and the controversies it caused. It first looks at the ambiguous nature of the communist welfare state and then proceeds to outline the theoretical alternatives. After early and energetic changes in the system, stagnation set in around the mid-1990s. Despite some problems, the current performance of the system is satisfactory, but its outlook in terms of long-term efficiency is unsatisfactory, as it will generate a rising debt into the future. In particular, the disadvantaged situation for families, the insufficient work motivation, and the frozen pension system are all causes for concern. The political shift to the right after 2006 ushered in reform measures and new reform plans. While reforms are necessary, their feasibility is uncertain owing to the fragility of the Czech political scene.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (8) ◽  
pp. 942-960
Author(s):  
Pablo Scotto

The wide presence of the right to work in national and international legal texts contrasts with a lack of agreement about the concrete content of this right. According to the hegemonic interpretation, it consists of two elements: (a) extension of wage labour and (b) significant improvement of working conditions. However, if we study the history of right to work claims, especially from the French Revolution to 1848, we can notice that the meaning of this right was rather wider in the past. Rescuing the historical significance of the right to work may help to face the problem of the future of work. In particular, and unlike what might seem at first sight, the claim that everyone should have his or her right to work guaranteed can be a way of articulating and concretizing issues such as workplace democracy, the organization of domestic work or the transition to a sustainable society.


1962 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-391
Author(s):  
H. Tint

The patriotism of the French underwent a far-reaching reorientation between 1871 and 1940. Understood as the readiness to do one's best for one's country, if necessary by fighting for it, the most significant change that affected French patriotic feeling during this period is its shift from the political left to the right. Popular response to the republican call to arms after the fall of the Empire in 1870 was to know no future parallel in its magnitude and enthusiasm. Excluded from positions of political prominence, the working classes and their leaders soon came to think that if they had a patrie, it was not the Third Republic. On the other hand, the right after a century of forgetfulness, rediscovered the old patriotic slogans as the left discarded them. And it used them with considerable skill to its political advantage. But the difference between left- and right-wing patriotism is that defeat in 1870 brought to power a man determined to fight against heavy odds, Gambetta; while defeat in 1940 brought to power a man determined to capitulate before the enemy, Pétain. And yet it has to be recognized that the origins of this transformation are to be found in the policies of the same Gambetta who, no doubt deservedly, is commonly hailed as the Jacobin hero of French resistance in 1870–1.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
Ishan Kashyap Hazarika ◽  
Sourabh Rai ◽  
Anjali Verma

While numerous studies have documented the difference in choice behaviour of the political Left and the Right, the effect of situations of a crisis on political choices have remained unexplored. This study aims to record and analyse such effects and investigate if any differences or similarities appear in the two groups. The study uses an experimental approach to the problem. Samples of leftists and rightists in India are randomly provided with forms to vote in either a normal situation or a hypothetical situation of crisis. The difference in voting behaviour in the two scenarios is noted. The difference in the change in the voting behaviour of the Left and the Right is also noted. It is found as expected that under normal circumstances, the Left and the Right have different voting patterns. But under crisis, when their leader performs badly, they shift to the opposite leader with almost the same probability. Also, not only the effect, but the voting patterns themselves become very similar during crises. The behaviour of the Left and Right sustain differences only in normal circumstances, but under crises, the differences may no longer remain extant.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (57) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Sandra Regina MARTINI ◽  
Dailor Dos SANTOS

ABSTRACT Objectives: The present study deals with the discussion of the construction of political memory, questioning if the Law has sufficiency to fully develop the Right to Memory. The question is how the ethics of memory should be defined and analyzed, as well as whether the Law is open to the plurality of speeches about the past so that the right to memory and truth can be guaranteed. Methodology: The study is based on bibliographic research and adopts in its approach the hypothetical-deductive method, through the interpretation of scientific articles and studies, also seeking a historical perspective. Results: One of the conclusions of the study refers to the construction of political memory, which requires a conciliatory meaning to be given to the Right to Memory and Truth, based on a new ethical appropriation. Brazilian transitional policies are insufficient, which indicates the reason for its inconclusive democratic statement. An ethics of memory must contemplate all reports emerging from the past; that the Law must admit the perspectives that transitional practices are based on their intrinsic composition, endorsing historical facts that cannot be refuted in the future. The political memory is a perspective of social identity and belonging, based on an ethical refusal to deny history. Contributions: The article addresses a topic less discussed in Brazil and, from various perspectives, questions whether the law can keep its current codes and remain closed to diversity and plurality, showing that the right to memory and truth will only be limited to the moments allowed by Transitional Justice, where memory is considered as an opportunity to summarize the past. , which will tolerate the repetition of dichotomist appropriations. KEYWORDS: Right to memory and truth; fraternal law; transitional justice; political memory; ethics. RESUMO Objetivos: O presente estudo trata da discussão da construção da memória política, questionandoe se o Direito tem suficiência para desenvolver plenamente o Direito à Memória. Indaga-se como deve ser definida e analisada a ética da memória, bem como se o Direito está aberto à pluralidade de discursos sobre o passado para que o Direito à Memória e à Verdade possa ser garantido. Metodologia: O estudo alicerça-se em pesquisas bibliográficas e adota em sua abordagem o método hipotético-dedutivo, por intermédio de interpretação de artigos científicos e estudos, buscando também uma perspectiva histórica. Resultados: Uma das conclusões do estudo refere-se à construção da memória política, que exige um sentido conciliatório a ser conferido ao Direito à Memória e à Verdade, baseado em uma nova apropriação ética. As políticas transicionais brasileiras são insuficientes, o que indica a razão de sua afirmação democrática inconclusa. Uma ética da memória deve contemplar todos os relatos que emergem do passado; que o Direito deve admitir as perspectivas que as práticas transicionais assentam em sua intrínseca composição, endossando fatos históricos que não podem, no futuro, ser refutados. A memória política é uma perspectiva de identidade e pertencimento sociais, a partir de uma recusa ética à negação da história. Contribuições: O artigo aborda um tema pouco discutido no Brasil e, em diversas perspectivas, questiona se o Direito pode manter seus atuais códigos e permanecer fechado à diversidade e pluralidade, mostrando como consequência que o direito à memória e à verdade estarão somente limitados aos instantes permitidos pela Justiça Transicional, onde a memória é considerada como uma oportunidade para resumir o passado, que tolerará a repetição de apropriações dicotomistas.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Direito à memória e à verdade; Direito fraterno; justiça de transição; memória política; ética.


Author(s):  
Devin K. Joshi

Abstract Scholars of the political left-right divide often see equality as the core issue of contention, with the left seeking greater equality than the right. Though partially agreeing with this consensus, I propose a modified left-right conceptualization that offers three novel contributions. First, while accepting the idea of a single fundamental dimension underlying conflict in global politics, I argue the key issue is not necessarily equality but rather the diffusion or concentration of power within and across nations, communities and individuals. Second, given the inescapable complexity of politics, I argue in favour of distinguishing between those who seek to de-concentrate power and broaden inclusion (the left) from those advocating for a concentration of power (the right) in specific issue domains. Third, I illustrate the utility of this “one dimension, multiple domains” theoretical framework through a comparative analysis of eight contemporary political parties across the domains of economic, foreign and social policy.


Author(s):  
Mahesh K. Joshi ◽  
J.R. Klein

The world of work has been impacted by technology. Work is different than it was in the past due to digital innovation. Labor market opportunities are becoming polarized between high-end and low-end skilled jobs. Migration and its effects on employment have become a sensitive political issue. From Buffalo to Beijing public debates are raging about the future of work. Developments like artificial intelligence and machine intelligence are contributing to productivity, efficiency, safety, and convenience but are also having an impact on jobs, skills, wages, and the nature of work. The “undiscovered country” of the workplace today is the combination of the changing landscape of work itself and the availability of ill-fitting tools, platforms, and knowledge to train for the requirements, skills, and structure of this new age.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shauna Marie Bowes ◽  
Thomas H Costello ◽  
Caroline Lee ◽  
Stacey McElroy-Heltzel ◽  
Don E. Davis ◽  
...  

In recent years, an upsurge of polarization has been a salient feature of political discourse in America. A small but growing body of research has examined the potential relevance of intellectual humility (IH) to political polarization. In the present investigation, we extend this work to political myside bias, testing the hypothesis that IH is associated with less bias in two community samples (N1 = 498; N2 = 477). In line with our expectations, measures of IH were negatively correlated with political myside bias across paradigms, political topics, and samples. These relations were robust to controlling for humility. We also examined ideological asymmetries in the relations between IH and political myside bias, finding that IH-bias relations were statistically equivalent in members of the political left and right. Notwithstanding important limitations and caveats, these data establish IH as one of a small handful psychological features known to predict less political myside bias.


Belleten ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 76 (276) ◽  
pp. 385-402
Author(s):  
Murat Kılıç

The origins of the imperial cult in Smyrna date back to the Hellenistic period. It is a fact that political concerns were effective in the generation of such cults. Predicting the super power of the future and proving to be a loyal ally whilst acting in satisfactory behaviors were essential factors. The right preference made between two fighting or contending powers ensured that a city would benefit from various privileges in the future. For example, Symrna, which had established a cult in the city previously on behalf of Stratonice, the mother of Antiochus II of Seleucid dynasty, would do the same by building a temple in the name of the dty of Rome for the first time in Asia in 195 BC, after recognizing the rising power. Later on, while giving permission to the provinces that wanted to establish an imperial cult, the Roman emperors and the Senate would consider first, their relationships with Rome in the past and second, their origins. Smyrna, building its relationships with the Roman state on a solid basis, was granted the title of neokoros three times by the Roman Emperors Tiberius, Hadrianus and Caracalla, respectively. In this essay, the development of the Roman imperial cult in Smyrna is discussed within the historical process outlined above. An attempt has been made to put forth new opinions about the issue by discussing the academicians' evaluations on the imperial cult, which apparently was effectively executed in Smyrna between the first and third centuries AD, with the support of epigraphic and numismatic evidences.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 292-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Willem van Prooijen ◽  
André P. M. Krouwel

Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.


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